气候适应力

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模板:Other uses 模板:Update Climate resilience can be generally defined as the adaptive capacity for a socio-ecological system to: (1) absorb stresses and maintain function in the face of external stresses imposed upon it by climate change and (2) adapt, reorganize, and evolve into more desirable configurations that improve the sustainability of the system, leaving it better prepared for future climate change impacts.[1][2]


Climate resilience can be generally defined as the adaptive capacity for a socio-ecological system to: (1) absorb stresses and maintain function in the face of external stresses imposed upon it by climate change and (2) adapt, reorganize, and evolve into more desirable configurations that improve the sustainability of the system, leaving it better prepared for future climate change impacts.

应对气候变化的能力一般可以定义为社会生态系统的适应能力,以便: (1)在气候变化对其造成的外部压力面前吸收压力和维持功能,(2)适应、重组和演变成更理想的结构,以提高系统的可持续性,使其能够更好地应对未来气候变化的影响。

With the rising awareness of climate change impacts by both national and international bodies, building climate resilience has become a major goal for these institutions. The key focus of climate resilience efforts is to address the climate vulnerability that communities, states, and countries currently have with regards to the many consequences of climate change.[3] Currently, climate resilience efforts encompass social, economic, technological, and political strategies that are being implemented at all scales of society. From local community action to global treaties, addressing climate resilience is becoming a priority, although it could be argued that a significant amount of the theory has yet to be translated into practice. Despite this, there is a robust and ever-growing movement fueled by local and national bodies alike geared towards building and improving climate resilience.

With the rising awareness of climate change impacts by both national and international bodies, building climate resilience has become a major goal for these institutions. The key focus of climate resilience efforts is to address the climate vulnerability that communities, states, and countries currently have with regards to the many consequences of climate change.Venema, Hank, and Jennifer Temmer. “Building a Climate-Resilient City: The Built Environment.” International Institute for Sustainable Development, 2017. Currently, climate resilience efforts encompass social, economic, technological, and political strategies that are being implemented at all scales of society. From local community action to global treaties, addressing climate resilience is becoming a priority, although it could be argued that a significant amount of the theory has yet to be translated into practice. Despite this, there is a robust and ever-growing movement fueled by local and national bodies alike geared towards building and improving climate resilience.

随着国家和国际机构对气候变化影响的认识不断提高,建设应对气候变化的能力已成为这些机构的一个主要目标。应对气候变化努力的关键重点是解决社区、国家和国家目前面对气候变化的许多后果所具有的气候脆弱性。Venema,Hank,和 Jennifer Temmer。“建设一个具有气候适应能力的城市: 建筑环境”,国际可持续发展研究所,2017年。目前,应对气候变化的努力包括社会、经济、技术和政治策略,这些策略正在社会的各个层面得到实施。从地方社区行动到全球条约,解决气候抗御能力问题正在成为一个优先事项,尽管可以认为,大量理论尚未转化为实践。尽管如此,在地方和国家机构的共同推动下,建设和提高气候适应能力的运动仍在蓬勃发展。

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Overview

Overview

概述 =

Definition of climate resilience

The definition of climate resilience is heavily debated, in both conceptual and practical terms. Key issues include: how resilience relates to climate change adaptation; the extent to which it should encompass actor-based versus systems-based approaches to improving stability; and its relationship with the balance of nature theory or homeostatic equilibrium view of ecological systems. [1]

The definition of climate resilience is heavily debated, in both conceptual and practical terms. Key issues include: how resilience relates to climate change adaptation; the extent to which it should encompass actor-based versus systems-based approaches to improving stability; and its relationship with the balance of nature theory or homeostatic equilibrium view of ecological systems.


= = = 气候适应力的定义 = = = 气候适应力的定义在概念上和实际上都受到了激烈的辩论。关键问题包括: 复原力与适应气候变化的关系; 复原力在多大程度上应包括以行动者为基础的方针和以系统为基础的方针,以改善稳定; 复原力与自然平衡理论或生态系统内稳态平衡观点的关系。

Currently, the majority of work regarding climate resilience has focused on actions taken to maintain existing systems and structures. This largely relates to the capacity of social-ecological systems to sustain shocks and maintain the integrity of functional relationships in the face of external forces. However, there is a growing consensus in academic literature that actions taken to induce structural changes must also be recognised within the definition of resilience. The three basic capacities that are understood[4][5] under the common definition are absorptive, adaptive, and transformative, each of which contribute different factors to the efforts of resilience work. This includes the capacity of social-ecological systems to renew and develop, and to utilize disturbances as opportunities for innovation and evolution of new pathways that improve the system's ability to adapt to macroscopic changes. [1] [6][7][8]

Currently, the majority of work regarding climate resilience has focused on actions taken to maintain existing systems and structures. This largely relates to the capacity of social-ecological systems to sustain shocks and maintain the integrity of functional relationships in the face of external forces. However, there is a growing consensus in academic literature that actions taken to induce structural changes must also be recognised within the definition of resilience. The three basic capacities that are understood under the common definition are absorptive, adaptive, and transformative, each of which contribute different factors to the efforts of resilience work. This includes the capacity of social-ecological systems to renew and develop, and to utilize disturbances as opportunities for innovation and evolution of new pathways that improve the system's ability to adapt to macroscopic changes.

Tompkins, Emma L., and W. Neil Adger. 2004. "Does Adaptive Management of Natural Resources Enhance Resilience to Climate Change?" Ecology & Society. http://eprints.soton.ac.uk/202863/

目前,关于气候抗御能力的大部分工作都集中在为维护现有系统和结构而采取的行动上。这在很大程度上与社会生态系统在面对外部力量时承受冲击和维持功能关系完整性的能力有关。然而,学术文献中越来越多的共识是,在弹性的定义中也必须认识到为诱导结构变化而采取的行动。在共同定义下理解的三种基本能力是吸收能力、适应能力和变革能力,每一种能力都对复原力工作的努力贡献不同的因素。这包括社会-生态系统更新和发展的能力,以及利用干扰作为创新和发展新途径的机会的能力,这些途径可以提高系统适应宏观变化的能力。和 w. Neil Adger。2004.“自然资源的适应性管理是否提高了应对气候变化的能力?”生态与社会。Http://eprints.soton.ac.uk/202863/

Climate resilience vs. climate adaptation

Climate resilience vs. climate adaptation

= = 气候适应性 vs. 气候适应 = =

The fact that climate resilience encompasses a dual function, to absorb shock as well as to self-renew, is the primary means by which it can be differentiated from the concept of climate adaptation. In general, adaptation is viewed as a group of processes and actions that help a system absorb changes that have already occurred, or may be predicted to occur in the future. For the specific case of environmental change and climate adaptation, it is argued by many that adaptation should be defined strictly as encompassing only active decision-making processes and actions – in other words, deliberate changes made in response to climate change. [2] Of course, this characterization is highly debatable: after all, adaptation can also be used to describe natural, involuntary processes by which organisms, populations, ecosystems and perhaps even social-ecological systems evolve after the application of certain external stresses. However, for the purposes of differentiating climate adaptation and climate resilience from a policymaking standpoint, we can contrast the active, actor-centric notion of adaptation with resilience, which would be a more systems-based approach to building social-ecological networks that are inherently capable of not only absorbing change, but utilizing those changes to develop into more efficient configurations.

The fact that climate resilience encompasses a dual function, to absorb shock as well as to self-renew, is the primary means by which it can be differentiated from the concept of climate adaptation. In general, adaptation is viewed as a group of processes and actions that help a system absorb changes that have already occurred, or may be predicted to occur in the future. For the specific case of environmental change and climate adaptation, it is argued by many that adaptation should be defined strictly as encompassing only active decision-making processes and actions – in other words, deliberate changes made in response to climate change.

Of course, this characterization is highly debatable: after all, adaptation can also be used to describe natural, involuntary processes by which organisms, populations, ecosystems and perhaps even social-ecological systems evolve after the application of certain external stresses. However, for the purposes of differentiating climate adaptation and climate resilience from a policymaking standpoint, we can contrast the active, actor-centric notion of adaptation with resilience, which would be a more systems-based approach to building social-ecological networks that are inherently capable of not only absorbing change, but utilizing those changes to develop into more efficient configurations.

气候适应能力包括吸收冲击和自我更新的双重功能,这一事实是将其与气候适应概念区分开来的主要手段。一般来说,适应被看作是一组过程和行动,它们帮助系统吸收已经发生的变化,或者预测未来可能发生的变化。就环境变化和气候适应的具体情况而言,许多人认为,应将适应严格界定为只包括积极的决策进程和行动 -- 换言之,为应对气候变化而蓄意作出的变化。当然,这个角色塑造是有很大争议的: 毕竟,适应也可以用来描述自然的、非自愿的过程,通过这些过程,有机体、种群、生态系统,甚至可能是社会-生态系统在某些外部压力的作用下进化。然而,为了从决策的角度区分气候适应和气候抗御能力,我们可以将积极的、以行动者为中心的适应概念与抗御能力进行对比,后者将是一种更基于系统的办法,用于建设社会生态网络,这种网络不仅本质上能够吸收变化,而且能够利用这些变化发展成更有效的配置。

Inter-connectivity between climate resilience, climate change, adaptability, and vulnerability

文件:Climate Resilience Model.PNG
A graphic displaying the inter-connectivity between climate change, adaptability, vulnerability, and resilience.

A conversation about climate resilience is incomplete without also incorporating the concepts of adaptations, vulnerability, and climate change. If the definition of resiliency is the ability to recover from a negative event, in this case climate change, then talking about preparations beforehand and strategies for recovery (aka adaptations), as well as populations that are more or less capable of developing and implementing a resiliency strategy (aka vulnerable populations) are essential. This is framed under the assumed detrimental impacts of climate change to ecosystems and ecosystem services.[9] It is important to note that efforts to enhance resiliency can result in outcomes that are adaptive, maladaptive, or even both. When considering inequality with adaptation we can focus on distributive justice, the intent of which is to maximize benefits for and promote the engagement of the most disadvantaged communities. Identifying a community or population as vulnerable can lead to biases due to the different factors negotiated in the term vulnerable. Outcome vulnerability (focusing on quantitative measures) and contextual vulnerability (focusing on qualitative measures) are two aspects that must be thought of in unison to achieve a wholistic understanding of a community's vulnerable state. Because one population's level of vulnerability is constantly shifting (as are the threats and impacts of climate change) the efforts to provide adaptive strategies must offer multiple opportunities and outcomes.[10]

thumb|A graphic displaying the inter-connectivity between climate change, adaptability, vulnerability, and resilience. A conversation about climate resilience is incomplete without also incorporating the concepts of adaptations, vulnerability, and climate change. If the definition of resiliency is the ability to recover from a negative event, in this case climate change, then talking about preparations beforehand and strategies for recovery (aka adaptations), as well as populations that are more or less capable of developing and implementing a resiliency strategy (aka vulnerable populations) are essential. This is framed under the assumed detrimental impacts of climate change to ecosystems and ecosystem services.Smit, Barry, and Johanna Wandel. "Adaptation, adaptive capacity and vulnerability." Global environmental change 16.3 (2006): 282–292. It is important to note that efforts to enhance resiliency can result in outcomes that are adaptive, maladaptive, or even both. When considering inequality with adaptation we can focus on distributive justice, the intent of which is to maximize benefits for and promote the engagement of the most disadvantaged communities. Identifying a community or population as vulnerable can lead to biases due to the different factors negotiated in the term vulnerable. Outcome vulnerability (focusing on quantitative measures) and contextual vulnerability (focusing on qualitative measures) are two aspects that must be thought of in unison to achieve a wholistic understanding of a community's vulnerable state. Because one population's level of vulnerability is constantly shifting (as are the threats and impacts of climate change) the efforts to provide adaptive strategies must offer multiple opportunities and outcomes.

= = = 气候适应性,气候变化,适应性和脆弱性之间的相互联系 = = 拇指 | 图表显示了气候变化,适应性,脆弱性和适应性之间的相互联系。如果不把适应性、脆弱性和气候变化等概念纳入其中,那么关于气候适应性的讨论就是不完整的。如果复原力的定义是从负面事件(在这里是气候变化)中恢复的能力,那么谈论事先的准备工作和恢复战略(又称适应战略)以及或多或少有能力制定和实施复原战略的人口(又称脆弱人口)是必不可少的。这是在假定气候变化对生态系统和生态系统服务造成有害影响的情况下确定的。斯密特,巴里和约翰娜 · 万德尔。”适应、适应能力和脆弱性”全球环境变化16.3(2006) : 282-292。值得注意的是,增强弹性的努力可能导致适应性差、适应性差或者两者兼而有之的结果。当我们考虑不平等和适应的时候,我们可以把重点放在 Distributive justice,其目的是最大限度地利益和促进最弱势社区的参与。将一个社区或人口确定为易受伤害群体可能导致由于在易受伤害一词中谈判达成的不同因素而产生的偏见。结果脆弱性(侧重于定量测量)和背景脆弱性(侧重于定性测量)是必须统一考虑的两个方面,以实现对社区脆弱状态的整体理解。由于一个人口的脆弱程度不断变化(气候变化的威胁和影响也是如此) ,提供适应战略的努力必须提供多种机会和结果。

This interconnectivity does not exist in a vacuum, however. Any aspect of resilience in its three capacities - adaptive, absorptive, transformative -  can be increasingly understood. Recent work from a consortium led by the Committee on Sustainability Assessment (COSA) indicates that the interconnectivity, with important factors of household and community resilience, can be measured at social, environmental and economic levels.

This interconnectivity does not exist in a vacuum, however. Any aspect of resilience in its three capacities - adaptive, absorptive, transformative -  can be increasingly understood. Recent work from a consortium led by the Committee on Sustainability Assessment (COSA) indicates that the interconnectivity, with important factors of household and community resilience, can be measured at social, environmental and economic levels.

然而,这种互联性并不存在于真空中。人们可以越来越多地了解弹性的任何方面及其三种能力——适应能力、吸收能力和变革能力。可持续发展评估委员会领导的一个联合会最近的工作表明,可以从社会、环境和经济层面衡量家庭和社区复原力等重要因素之间的相互联系。

Historical overview of climate resilience

Historical overview of climate resilience

= 气候恢复力的历史概述 =

Climate resilience is a relatively novel concept that is still in the process of being established by academia and policymaking institutions. However, the theoretical basis for many of the ideas central to climate resilience have actually existed since the 1960s. Originally an idea defined for strictly ecological systems, resilience was initially outlined by C.S. Holling as the capacity for ecological systems and relationships within those systems to persist and absorb changes to “state variables, driving variables, and parameters.” [11] This definition helped form the foundation for the notion of ecological equilibrium: the idea that the behavior of natural ecosystems is dictated by a homeostatic drive towards some stable set point. Under this school of thought (which maintained quite a dominant status during this time period), ecosystems were perceived to respond to disturbances largely through negative feedback systems – if there is a change, the ecosystem would act to mitigate that change as much as possible and attempt to return to its prior state. However, the idea of resilience began evolving relatively quickly in the coming years.

Climate resilience is a relatively novel concept that is still in the process of being established by academia and policymaking institutions. However, the theoretical basis for many of the ideas central to climate resilience have actually existed since the 1960s. Originally an idea defined for strictly ecological systems, resilience was initially outlined by C.S. Holling as the capacity for ecological systems and relationships within those systems to persist and absorb changes to “state variables, driving variables, and parameters.”

This definition helped form the foundation for the notion of ecological equilibrium: the idea that the behavior of natural ecosystems is dictated by a homeostatic drive towards some stable set point. Under this school of thought (which maintained quite a dominant status during this time period), ecosystems were perceived to respond to disturbances largely through negative feedback systems – if there is a change, the ecosystem would act to mitigate that change as much as possible and attempt to return to its prior state. However, the idea of resilience began evolving relatively quickly in the coming years.

气候抗御能力是一个相对新颖的概念,学术界和决策机构正在确立这一概念。然而,自20世纪60年代以来,许多对气候适应能力至关重要的观点的理论基础实际上已经存在。最初的概念是为严格的生态系统定义的,韧性最初是由 c.s。作为生态系统的能力和这些系统内的关系持续和吸收变化的“状态变量,驱动变量,和参数。”这个定义帮助形成了生态平衡概念的基础: 自然生态系统的行为是由朝向某个稳定设定点的恒定驱动力决定的。根据这一学派的思想(在这一时期保持了相当的主导地位) ,人们认为生态系统主要通过负反馈系统对干扰作出反应——如果发生变化,生态系统将采取行动尽可能减缓这一变化,并试图恢复到以前的状态。然而,在接下来的几年里,韧性的概念开始相对迅速地演变。

As greater amounts of scientific research in ecological adaptation and natural resource management was conducted, it became clear that oftentimes, natural systems were subjected to dynamic, transient behaviors that changed how they reacted to significant changes in state variables: rather than work back towards a predetermined equilibrium, the absorbed change was harnessed to establish a new baseline to operate under. Rather than minimize imposed changes, ecosystems could integrate and manage those changes, and use them to fuel the evolution of novel characteristics. This new perspective of resilience as a concept that inherently works synergistically with elements of uncertainty and entropy first began to facilitate changes in the field of adaptive management and environmental resources, through work whose basis was built by Holling and colleagues yet again. [1] [12]

As greater amounts of scientific research in ecological adaptation and natural resource management was conducted, it became clear that oftentimes, natural systems were subjected to dynamic, transient behaviors that changed how they reacted to significant changes in state variables: rather than work back towards a predetermined equilibrium, the absorbed change was harnessed to establish a new baseline to operate under. Rather than minimize imposed changes, ecosystems could integrate and manage those changes, and use them to fuel the evolution of novel characteristics. This new perspective of resilience as a concept that inherently works synergistically with elements of uncertainty and entropy first began to facilitate changes in the field of adaptive management and environmental resources, through work whose basis was built by Holling and colleagues yet again.

Schoon, M. (2005, 2 21). A short historical overview of the concepts of resilience, vulnerability, and adaptation . Retrieved from http://michaelschoon.files.wordpress.com/2011/05/historical_critique-of-resilience-working-paper.pdf


随着在生态适应和自然资源管理方面进行更多的科学研究,很明显,自然系统往往受到动态的、瞬态的行为的影响,这些行为改变了它们对状态变量的重大变化的反应: 不是回到预先确定的平衡状态,而是利用吸收的变化建立一个新的运作基线。生态系统可以整合和管理这些变化,而不是将强加的变化最小化,并利用这些变化来推动新特征的进化。这种将复原力视为一种与不确定性和熵元素内在协同作用的概念的新观点,首先开始促进适应性管理和环境资源领域的变化,通过霍林和同事再次建立的工作基础。(2005,221).弹性、脆弱性和适应性概念的简短历史概述。2012年10月12日, http://michaelschoon.files.wordpress.com/2011/05/historical_critique-of-resilience-working-paper.pdf

By the mid 1970s, resilience began gaining momentum as an idea in anthropology, culture theory, and other social sciences. Even more compelling is the fact that there was significant work in these relatively non-traditional fields that helped facilitate the evolution of the resilience perspective as a whole. Part of the reason resilience began moving away from an equilibrium-centric view and towards a more flexible, malleable description of social-ecological systems was due to work such as that of Andrew Vayda and Bonnie McCay in the field of social anthropology, where more modern versions of resilience were deployed to challenge traditional ideals of cultural dynamics.[13]

By the mid 1970s, resilience began gaining momentum as an idea in anthropology, culture theory, and other social sciences. Even more compelling is the fact that there was significant work in these relatively non-traditional fields that helped facilitate the evolution of the resilience perspective as a whole. Part of the reason resilience began moving away from an equilibrium-centric view and towards a more flexible, malleable description of social-ecological systems was due to work such as that of Andrew Vayda and Bonnie McCay in the field of social anthropology, where more modern versions of resilience were deployed to challenge traditional ideals of cultural dynamics.

到了20世纪70年代中期,韧性开始在人类学、文化理论和其他社会科学领域获得势头。更引人注目的是,在这些相对非传统的领域开展了大量工作,帮助促进了整个复原力观点的演变。复原力开始从以平衡为中心的观点转向对社会-生态系统更加灵活、可塑性更强的描述,部分原因在于社会人类学领域的 Andrew Vayda 和 Bonnie McCay 的工作,在那里,更多的现代版本的复原力被用来挑战传统的文化动态理念。

Eventually by the late 1980s and early 1990s, resilience had fundamentally changed as a theoretical framework. Not only was it now applicable to social-ecological systems, but more importantly, resilience now incorporated and emphasized ideas of management, integration, and utilization of change rather than simply describing reactions to change. Resilience was no longer just about absorbing shocks, but also about harnessing the changes triggered by external stresses to catalyze the evolution the social-ecological system in question.

Eventually by the late 1980s and early 1990s, resilience had fundamentally changed as a theoretical framework. Not only was it now applicable to social-ecological systems, but more importantly, resilience now incorporated and emphasized ideas of management, integration, and utilization of change rather than simply describing reactions to change. Resilience was no longer just about absorbing shocks, but also about harnessing the changes triggered by external stresses to catalyze the evolution the social-ecological system in question.

最终到了20世纪80年代末和90年代初,韧性作为一个理论框架发生了根本性的变化。现在它不仅适用于社会生态系统,而且更重要的是,复原力现在纳入并强调管理、整合和利用变化的思想,而不仅仅是描述对变化的反应。复原力不再仅仅是吸收冲击,而是利用外部压力引发的变化来促进有关社会-生态系统的演变。

As the issues of global warming and climate change have gained traction and become more prominent since the early 1990s, the question of climate resilience has also emerged. Considering the global implications of the impacts induced by climate change, climate resilience has become a critical concept that scientific institutions, policymakers, governments, and international organizations have begun to rally around as a framework for designing the solutions that will be needed to address the effects of global warming.

As the issues of global warming and climate change have gained traction and become more prominent since the early 1990s, the question of climate resilience has also emerged. Considering the global implications of the impacts induced by climate change, climate resilience has become a critical concept that scientific institutions, policymakers, governments, and international organizations have begun to rally around as a framework for designing the solutions that will be needed to address the effects of global warming.

自1990年代初以来,随着全球变暖和气候变化问题得到关注并变得更加突出,气候适应能力问题也出现了。考虑到气候变化造成的影响对全球的影响,气候适应力已经成为一个重要的概念,科学机构、决策者、政府和国际组织已经开始团结起来,作为设计解决全球变暖影响所需的解决方案的框架。

Few concepts have acquired as much prominence in such a short time span in the climate resilience, nature conservation and sustainable development sectors as Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA). The term EbA was coined in 2008 by IUCN and officially defined by the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2009: "Ecosystem-based adaptation is the use of biodiversity and ecosystem services as part of an overall adaptation strategy to help people to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change."[14]

Few concepts have acquired as much prominence in such a short time span in the climate resilience, nature conservation and sustainable development sectors as Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA). The term EbA was coined in 2008 by IUCN and officially defined by the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2009: "Ecosystem-based adaptation is the use of biodiversity and ecosystem services as part of an overall adaptation strategy to help people to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change."CBD COP 10, Decision X/33. https://www.cbd.int/decisions/cop/?m=cop-10

在气候适应能力、自然保护和可持续发展领域,很少有概念能像基于生态系统的适应这样在如此短的时间内得到如此突出的重视。自然保护联盟于2008年提出了”基于生态系统的适应”一词,并于2009年由《生物多样性公约》正式定义为:”基于生态系统的适应是利用生物多样性和生态系统服务,作为帮助人们适应气候变化不利影响的总体适应战略的一部分。“《生物多样性公约》缔约方会议第十届会议,第 x/33号决定。Https://www.cbd.int/decisions/cop/?m=cop-10

Climate resilience and environmental justice

Climate resilience and environmental justice

= 气候适应能力和环境公正 =

Applications of a resilience framework: addressing vulnerability

Applications of a resilience framework: addressing vulnerability

= = 复原力框架的应用: 解决脆弱性 =

A climate resilience framework offers a plethora of contributions that can improve our understanding of environmental processes, and better equip governments and policymakers to develop sustainable solutions that combat the effects of climate change. To begin with, climate resilience establishes the idea of multi-stable socio-ecological systems. As discussed earlier, resilience originally began as an idea that extended from the stable equilibrium view – systems only acted to return to their pre-existing states when exposed to a disturbance. But with modern interpretations of resilience, it is now established that socio-ecological systems can actually stabilize around a multitude of possible states. Secondly, climate resilience has played a critical role in emphasizing the importance of preventive action when assessing the effects of climate change. Although adaptation is always going to be a key consideration, making changes after the fact has a limited capability to help communities and nations deal with climate change. By working to build climate resilience, policymakers and governments can take a more comprehensive stance that works to mitigate the harms of global warming impacts before they happen.[2] [15] Finally, a climate resilience perspective encourages greater cross-scale connectedness of systems. Climate change scholars have argued that solely relying on theories of adaptation is also limiting because inherently, this perspective does not necessitate as much full-system cohesion as a resilience perspective would. Creating mechanisms of adaptation that occur in isolation at local, state, or national levels may leave the overall social-ecological system vulnerable. A resilience-based framework would require far more cross-talk, and the creation of environmental protections that are more holistically generated and implemented. [2] [16]

A climate resilience framework offers a plethora of contributions that can improve our understanding of environmental processes, and better equip governments and policymakers to develop sustainable solutions that combat the effects of climate change. To begin with, climate resilience establishes the idea of multi-stable socio-ecological systems. As discussed earlier, resilience originally began as an idea that extended from the stable equilibrium view – systems only acted to return to their pre-existing states when exposed to a disturbance. But with modern interpretations of resilience, it is now established that socio-ecological systems can actually stabilize around a multitude of possible states. Secondly, climate resilience has played a critical role in emphasizing the importance of preventive action when assessing the effects of climate change. Although adaptation is always going to be a key consideration, making changes after the fact has a limited capability to help communities and nations deal with climate change. By working to build climate resilience, policymakers and governments can take a more comprehensive stance that works to mitigate the harms of global warming impacts before they happen.

Finally, a climate resilience perspective encourages greater cross-scale connectedness of systems. Climate change scholars have argued that solely relying on theories of adaptation is also limiting because inherently, this perspective does not necessitate as much full-system cohesion as a resilience perspective would. Creating mechanisms of adaptation that occur in isolation at local, state, or national levels may leave the overall social-ecological system vulnerable. A resilience-based framework would require far more cross-talk, and the creation of environmental protections that are more holistically generated and implemented.


气候适应框架提供了大量的贡献,可以提高我们对环境进程的认识,使政府和决策者更好地制定可持续的解决方案,应对气候变化的影响。首先,气候适应性建立了多种稳定的社会生态系统的理念。正如前面所讨论的,弹性最初是从稳定平衡观点扩展出来的一个概念——系统只有在受到干扰时才会回到它们原先存在的状态。但随着对弹性的现代解释,现在已经确定,社会生态系统实际上可以在多种可能状态下稳定下来。第二,气候抗御能力在强调预防行动在评估气候变化影响时的重要性方面发挥了关键作用。虽然适应气候变化始终是一个关键的考虑因素,但事后做出改变,帮助社区和国家应对气候变化的能力有限。通过努力建设气候适应能力,政策制定者和政府可以采取更全面的立场,在全球变暖影响发生之前减轻其危害。最后,气候弹性观点鼓励系统之间更大的跨尺度联系。气候变化学者认为,仅仅依靠适应理论也是有局限性的,因为从本质上讲,这种观点并不像弹性观点那样需要全系统的凝聚力。在地方、州或国家各级孤立地建立适应机制可能会使整个社会生态系统变得脆弱。以复原力为基础的框架需要更多的串扰,需要创建更加全面的环境保护措施。

Vulnerability

模板:Excerpt

Vulnerability and equity: environmental justice and climate justice

Equity is another essential component of vulnerability and is closely tied to issues of environmental justice and climate justice. Who participates in and who has access to climate resiliency services and infrastructure are more than likely going to fall along historically unequitable patterns of distribution. As the most vulnerable communities are likely to be the most heavily impacted, a climate justice movement is coalescing in response. There are many aspects of climate justice that relate to resiliency and many climate justice advocates argue that justice should be an essential component of resiliency strategies. Similar frameworks that have been applied to the Climate Justice movement can be utilized to address some of these equity issues. The frameworks are similar to other types of justice movements and include- contractariansim which attempts to allocate the most benefits for the poor, utilitarianism which seeks to find the most benefits for the most people, egalitarianism which attempts to reduce inequality, and libertarianism which emphasizes a fair share of burden but also individual freedoms.[17]

Equity is another essential component of vulnerability and is closely tied to issues of environmental justice and climate justice. Who participates in and who has access to climate resiliency services and infrastructure are more than likely going to fall along historically unequitable patterns of distribution. As the most vulnerable communities are likely to be the most heavily impacted, a climate justice movement is coalescing in response. There are many aspects of climate justice that relate to resiliency and many climate justice advocates argue that justice should be an essential component of resiliency strategies. Similar frameworks that have been applied to the Climate Justice movement can be utilized to address some of these equity issues. The frameworks are similar to other types of justice movements and include- contractariansim which attempts to allocate the most benefits for the poor, utilitarianism which seeks to find the most benefits for the most people, egalitarianism which attempts to reduce inequality, and libertarianism which emphasizes a fair share of burden but also individual freedoms.Liu, F. (2000). Environmental justice analysis: Theories, methods and practice. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press

= = = 脆弱性和公平: 环境正义和气候正义 = = = = 公平是脆弱性的另一个重要组成部分,与环境正义和气候正义问题密切相关。谁参与和谁可以利用气候复原力服务和基础设施,很可能会落入历史上不公平的分配格局。由于最脆弱的社区可能受到最严重的影响,气候正义运动正在联合起来作为回应。气候正义的许多方面都与复原力有关,许多气候正义倡导者认为,复原力战略的一个重要组成部分应该是正义。适用于气候正义运动的类似框架可用于解决其中一些公平问题。这些框架类似于其他类型的正义运动,包括试图为穷人分配最大利益的契约主义、试图为大多数人寻求最大利益的功利主义、试图减少不平等的平等主义以及强调公平分担负担和个人自由的自由主义。刘先生(2000)。环境正义分析: 理论、方法与实践。Boca Raton,佛罗里达州: CRC 出版社

The Act for Climate Justice Campaign [1] has defined climate justice as “a vision to dissolve and alleviate the unequal burdens created by climate change. As a form of environmental justice, climate justice is the fair treatment of all people and freedom from discrimination with the creation of policies and projects that address climate change and the systems that create climate change and perpetuate discrimination”.[18]

The Act for Climate Justice Campaign has defined climate justice as “a vision to dissolve and alleviate the unequal burdens created by climate change. As a form of environmental justice, climate justice is the fair treatment of all people and freedom from discrimination with the creation of policies and projects that address climate change and the systems that create climate change and perpetuate discrimination”.Act for Climate Justice. (February 2014) What Is Climate Justice. Retrieved from http://www.actforclimatejustice.org/about/what-is-climate-justice/

《气候正义运动法》将气候正义定义为”消除和减轻气候变化造成的不平等负担的愿景”。作为环境正义的一种形式,气候正义是公平对待所有人,不受歧视,制定应对气候变化的政策和项目,建立造成气候变化和使歧视长期存在的制度”。气候正义法案。☆(2014年2月)什么是气候公正。检索自 http://www.actforclimatejustice.org/about/what-is-climate-justice/

Climate Justice can incorporate both grassroots as well as international and national level organizing movements.

Climate Justice can incorporate both grassroots as well as international and national level organizing movements.

气候正义可以包括基层以及国际和国家一级的组织运动。

Local level issues of equity

Many indigenous peoples live sustenance based lifestyles, relying heavily on local ecosystem services for their livelihoods. According to some definitions, indigenous peoples are often some of the most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and advocating for participation of marginalized groups is one goal of the indigenous people's climate justice movement. Climate change will likely dramatically alter local food production capacity, which will impact those people who are more dependent on local food sources and less dependent on global or regional food supplies. The greatest injustice is that people living this type of lifestyle are least likely to have contributed to the causes of global climate change in the first place. Indigenous peoples movements often involve protests and calling on action from world leaders to address climate change concerns.[19]

Many indigenous peoples live sustenance based lifestyles, relying heavily on local ecosystem services for their livelihoods. According to some definitions, indigenous peoples are often some of the most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and advocating for participation of marginalized groups is one goal of the indigenous people's climate justice movement. Climate change will likely dramatically alter local food production capacity, which will impact those people who are more dependent on local food sources and less dependent on global or regional food supplies. The greatest injustice is that people living this type of lifestyle are least likely to have contributed to the causes of global climate change in the first place. Indigenous peoples movements often involve protests and calling on action from world leaders to address climate change concerns.Chwala, A. Climate Justice Movements Gather Strength. Climate Connections. State of the World. (2009). 119–121

= = = = 地方一级的公平问题 = = = = 许多原住民过着以维持生计为基础的生活方式,严重依赖当地的生态系统服务维持生计。根据一些定义,原住民通常是最容易受到气候变化影响的群体之一,倡导边缘化群体的参与是塔鲁人气候正义运动的目标之一。气候变化可能会极大地改变当地的粮食生产能力,这将影响那些更依赖当地粮食来源、更少依赖全球或区域粮食供应的人。最大的不公正是,生活在这种生活方式中的人们最不可能首先促成全球气候变化的原因。原住民运动通常包括抗议和呼吁世界各国领导人采取行动解决气候变化问题。气候正义运动凝聚力量。气候联系。世界形势。(2009).119–121

Another local level climate justice movement is the adaptation finance approach which has been found in some studies to be a positive solution by providing resource dollars directly to communities in need.[20]

Another local level climate justice movement is the adaptation finance approach which has been found in some studies to be a positive solution by providing resource dollars directly to communities in need.

另一个地方一级的气候正义运动是适应融资办法,在一些研究中发现这是一种积极的解决办法,直接向有需要的社区提供资金。

International and national climate justice

The carbon market approach is one international and national concept proposed that tries to solve the issue by using market forces to make carbon use less affordable, but vulnerable host communities that are the intended beneficiaries have been found to receive little to no benefit.[21] One problem noted with the carbon market approach is the inherent conflict of interest embedded between developed and sustenance based communities. Developed nations that have often prioritized growth of their own gross national product over implementing changes that would address climate change concerns by taxing carbon which might damage GDP.[22] In addition the pace of change necessary to implement a carbon market approach is too slow to be effective at most international and national policy levels.[21]

The carbon market approach is one international and national concept proposed that tries to solve the issue by using market forces to make carbon use less affordable, but vulnerable host communities that are the intended beneficiaries have been found to receive little to no benefit. One problem noted with the carbon market approach is the inherent conflict of interest embedded between developed and sustenance based communities. Developed nations that have often prioritized growth of their own gross national product over implementing changes that would address climate change concerns by taxing carbon which might damage GDP. In addition the pace of change necessary to implement a carbon market approach is too slow to be effective at most international and national policy levels.

= = = = = 国际和国家气候公正 = = = = = 提出的碳市场办法是一个国际和国家概念,它试图通过利用市场力量使碳的使用变得不那么可负担得起来来解决这一问题,但据发现,作为预定受益者的脆弱的东道社区几乎得不到任何好处。碳市场办法注意到的一个问题是,发达社区和以维持生计为基础的社区之间存在固有的利益冲突。发达国家往往优先考虑本国国民生产总值的增长,而不是通过对碳征税来解决气候变化问题,这可能损害国内生产总值。此外,实施碳市场办法所需的变革步伐过于缓慢,在大多数国际和国家政策层面上难以奏效。

Alternatively, a study by V.N Mather, et al. proposes a multi-level approach that focuses on addressing some primary issues concerning climate justice at local and international levels. The approach includes:[21]

  • developing the capacity for a carbon market approach
  • focusing on power dynamics within local and regional government
  • managing businesses in regard to carbon practices
  • special attention given to developing countries

Alternatively, a study by V.N Mather, et al. proposes a multi-level approach that focuses on addressing some primary issues concerning climate justice at local and international levels. The approach includes:

  • developing the capacity for a carbon market approach
  • focusing on power dynamics within local and regional government
  • managing businesses in regard to carbon practices
  • special attention given to developing countries

或者,V.N Mather 等人的一项研究。提出了一个多层次的办法,侧重于在地方和国际层面解决与气候公正有关的一些主要问题。该办法包括:

  • 发展碳市场办法的能力
  • ,侧重于地方和区域政府
  • 管理企业在碳做法方面的能力动态
  • ,特别注意发展中国家

Climate justice, environmental justice, and the United States

Climate justice, environmental justice, and the United States

= = = 气候公正,环境公正和美国 = =

The issue of environmental justice and climate justice is relevant within the United States because historically communities of color and low socioeconomic communities have been under served and underrepresented in terms of distribution and participation.[23] The question of “by and for whom” resiliency strategies are targeted and implemented is of great concern.[24] Inadequate response and resiliency strategies to recent natural disasters in communities of color, such as Hurricane Katrina, are examples of environmental injustices and inadequate resilience strategies in already vulnerable communities.[25]

The issue of environmental justice and climate justice is relevant within the United States because historically communities of color and low socioeconomic communities have been under served and underrepresented in terms of distribution and participation.Taylor, Dorceta E. "Women of color, environmental justice, and ecofeminism."Ecofeminism: Women, culture, nature (1997): 38–81 The question of “by and for whom” resiliency strategies are targeted and implemented is of great concern. Inadequate response and resiliency strategies to recent natural disasters in communities of color, such as Hurricane Katrina, are examples of environmental injustices and inadequate resilience strategies in already vulnerable communities.

环境正义和气候正义问题在美国具有相关性,因为历史上有色人种和社会经济地位低下的社区在分配和参与方面得不到充分的服务。有色妇女、环境正义和生态女性主义。”生态女性主义: 妇女、文化、自然(1997) : 38-81”由谁和为谁”的复原力战略是有针对性和实施的问题,这是一个非常令人关切的问题。在有色人种社区,如飓风卡特里娜,对最近发生的自然灾害的应对和恢复战略不足,就是本已脆弱的社区环境不公正和恢复战略不足的例子。

文件:New Orleans USACE-17th Canal-A-09-04-05 0004.JPG
New Orleans post Hurricane Katrina levee damage.

thumb|New Orleans post Hurricane Katrina levee damage.

大拇指 | 新奥尔良飓风卡特里娜后堤坝损坏。

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored PeopleNAACP has recently begun a Climate Justice campaign[26] in response to events such as Hurricane Katrina and in preparation for future climate change related natural disasters. The goal of this campaign is to address the 3 R's of climate justice: resilience, resistance, and revisioning. The NAACP's climate justice initiative will address climate resilience through advocacy, outreach, political actions, research and education.[26]

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored PeopleNAACP has recently begun a Climate Justice campaignClimate Justice: NAACP in response to events such as Hurricane Katrina and in preparation for future climate change related natural disasters. The goal of this campaign is to address the 3 R's of climate justice: resilience, resistance, and revisioning. The NAACP's climate justice initiative will address climate resilience through advocacy, outreach, political actions, research and education.

美国全国有色人种促进协会最近开展了一项气候正义运动---- 气候正义: 全国有色人种协进会,以应对飓风卡特里娜和未来与气候变化相关的自然灾害。这场运动的目标是解决气候正义的三个 r: 弹性、抵抗和修正。全国有色人种协进会的气候正义倡议将通过宣传、推广、政治行动、研究和教育来解决气候适应能力问题。

The concept of intersectional environmentalism is a newly emerging concept, whose term has been coined by environmental and social justice activist Leah Thomas. She describes it as “an inclusive version of environmentalism that advocates for both the protection of people and the planet. It identifies the ways in which injustices happening to marginalized communities and the earth are interconnected… ” [27] Thomas recognized the interconnectedness of BIPOC and environmental injustice that was disproportionately affecting these communities and started the educational platform to bring awareness to the issue soon after the rise of the Black Lives Matter protests sparked around the country in early June 2020.

The concept of intersectional environmentalism is a newly emerging concept, whose term has been coined by environmental and social justice activist Leah Thomas. She describes it as “an inclusive version of environmentalism that advocates for both the protection of people and the planet. It identifies the ways in which injustices happening to marginalized communities and the earth are interconnected… ” Thomas recognized the interconnectedness of BIPOC and environmental injustice that was disproportionately affecting these communities and started the educational platform to bring awareness to the issue soon after the rise of the Black Lives Matter protests sparked around the country in early June 2020.

交叉环境保护主义的概念是一个新兴的概念,这个术语是由环境和社会正义活动家 Leah Thomas 创造的。她将其描述为“一个提倡保护人类和地球的包容性的环境保护主义。它指出了发生在边缘化社区和地球上的不公正是如何相互联系的.”托马斯认识到《黑人生命保护公约》与环境不公正的相互联系对这些社区造成了不成比例的影响,并在2020年6月初全国各地爆发的黑人生命重要抗议活动之后不久,开始建立教育平台,提高对这一。

Climate gap
Climate gap

= = = 气候缺口 = =

Another concept important for understanding vulnerability in the United States is the climate gap. The climate gap is the inequitably negative impact on poor people and people of color due to the effects of climate change. Some of these negative impacts include higher cost of living expenses, higher incidences of heat related health consequences in urban areas that are likely to experience urban heat island effects, increased pollution in urban areas, and decreases in available jobs for poor people and people of color. Some suggested solutions to close the climate gap include suggesting legislative policies that would reduce the impact of climate change by reducing carbon emissions with the emphasis of reductions in greenhouse gas emissions and toxic air pollution in neighborhoods that are already heavily impacted, usually urban centers. Other solutions include increasing access to quality health care for poor people and people of color, preparedness planning for urban heat island effects, identifying neighborhoods that are most likely to be impacted, investing in alternative fuel and energy research, and measuring the results of policy impacts.[28]

Another concept important for understanding vulnerability in the United States is the climate gap. The climate gap is the inequitably negative impact on poor people and people of color due to the effects of climate change. Some of these negative impacts include higher cost of living expenses, higher incidences of heat related health consequences in urban areas that are likely to experience urban heat island effects, increased pollution in urban areas, and decreases in available jobs for poor people and people of color. Some suggested solutions to close the climate gap include suggesting legislative policies that would reduce the impact of climate change by reducing carbon emissions with the emphasis of reductions in greenhouse gas emissions and toxic air pollution in neighborhoods that are already heavily impacted, usually urban centers. Other solutions include increasing access to quality health care for poor people and people of color, preparedness planning for urban heat island effects, identifying neighborhoods that are most likely to be impacted, investing in alternative fuel and energy research, and measuring the results of policy impacts.

了解美国的脆弱性的另一个重要概念是气候差距。气候差距是气候变化对贫困人口和有色人种造成的不公平的负面影响。其中一些负面影响包括较高的生活费用、城市地区可能遭受城市热岛效应的与热有关的健康后果发生率较高、城市地区的污染增加、以及穷人和有色人种可获得的就业机会减少。一些建议的解决方案包括建议立法政策,通过减少碳排放来减少气候变化的影响,重点是减少温室气体排放和有毒空气污染,在已经受到严重影响的社区,通常是城市中心。其他解决方案包括增加穷人和有色人种获得高质量医疗保健的机会,为城市热岛效应做好准备规划,确定最有可能受到影响的社区,投资替代燃料和能源研究,以及衡量政策影响的结果。

Theoretical foundations for building climate resilience

As the threat of environmental disturbances due to climate change becomes more and more relevant, so does the need for strategies to build a more resilient society. As climate resiliency literature has revealed, there are different strategies and suggestions that all work towards the overarching goal of building and maintaining societal resiliency.

As the threat of environmental disturbances due to climate change becomes more and more relevant, so does the need for strategies to build a more resilient society. As climate resiliency literature has revealed, there are different strategies and suggestions that all work towards the overarching goal of building and maintaining societal resiliency.

随着气候变化造成的环境干扰的威胁变得越来越重要,建立一个更具复原力的社会的战略也变得越来越重要。正如有关气候复原力的文献所揭示的那样,各种不同的战略和建议都是为了实现建设和保持社会复原力的总体目标。

Urban resilience

There is increasing concern on an international level with regards to addressing and combating the impending implications of climate change for urban areas, where populations of these cities around the world are growing disproportionately high. There is even more concern for the rapidly growing urban centers in developing countries, where the majority of urban inhabitants are poor or “otherwise vulnerable to climate-related disturbances.”[29] Urban centers around the world house important societal and economic sectors, so resiliency framework has been augmented to specifically include and focus on protecting these urban systems.

There is increasing concern on an international level with regards to addressing and combating the impending implications of climate change for urban areas, where populations of these cities around the world are growing disproportionately high. There is even more concern for the rapidly growing urban centers in developing countries, where the majority of urban inhabitants are poor or “otherwise vulnerable to climate-related disturbances.” Urban centers around the world house important societal and economic sectors, so resiliency framework has been augmented to specifically include and focus on protecting these urban systems.

= = = 城市复原力 = = = 在国际一级,人们越来越关注如何处理和应对气候变化对城市地区即将产生的影响,因为世界各地城市的人口不成比例地增长。发展中国家迅速发展的城市中心更令人担忧,那里的大多数城市居民都是穷人,或者”在其他方面容易受到与气候有关的干扰”世界各地的城市中心都有重要的社会和经济部门,因此复原力框架得到了扩展,特别包括并侧重于保护这些城市系统。

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) defines resilience as “the ability of a social or ecological system to absorb disturbances while retaining the same basic structure and ways of functioning, the capacity of self-organization, and the capacity to adapt to stress and change.”[29] One of the most important notions emphasized in urban resiliency theory is the need for urban systems to increase their capacity to absorb environmental disturbances. By focusing on three generalizable elements of the resiliency movement, Tyler and Moench's urban resiliency framework serves as a model that can be implemented for local planning on an international scale.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) defines resilience as “the ability of a social or ecological system to absorb disturbances while retaining the same basic structure and ways of functioning, the capacity of self-organization, and the capacity to adapt to stress and change.” One of the most important notions emphasized in urban resiliency theory is the need for urban systems to increase their capacity to absorb environmental disturbances. By focusing on three generalizable elements of the resiliency movement, Tyler and Moench's urban resiliency framework serves as a model that can be implemented for local planning on an international scale.

政府间气候变化专门委员会政府间气候变化专门委员会将复原力定义为: 一个社会或生态系统在吸收干扰的同时保持相同的基本结构和运作方式的能力,自我组织的能力,以及适应压力和变化的能力城市复原力理论强调的最重要概念之一是,城市系统需要增强其吸收环境干扰的能力。通过关注复原力运动的三个可概括的元素,Tyler 和 Moench 的城市复原力框架可以作为一个模型,可以用于国际规模的地方规划。

The first element of urban climate resiliency focuses on “systems’ or the physical infrastructure embedded in urban systems. A critical concern of urban resiliency is linked to the idea of maintaining support systems that in turn enable the networks of provisioning and exchange for populations in urban areas.[29] These systems concern both physical infrastructure in the city and ecosystems within or surrounding the urban center; while working to provide essential services like food production, flood control, or runoff management.[29] For example, city electricity, a necessity of urban life, depends on the performance of generators, grids, and distant reservoirs. The failure of these core systems jeopardizes human well-being in these urban areas, with that being said, it is crucial to maintain them in the face of impending environmental disturbances. Societies need to build resiliency into these systems in order to achieve such a feat. Resilient systems work to “ensure that functionality is retained and can be re-instated through system linkages”[29] despite some failures or operational disturbances. Ensuring the functionality of these important systems is achieved through instilling and maintaining flexibility in the presence of a “safe failure.”[29] Resilient systems achieve flexibility by making sure that key functions are distributed in a way that they would not all be affected by a given event at one time, what is often referred to as spatial diversity, and has multiple methods for meeting a given need, what is often referred to as functional diversity.[29] The presence of safe failures also plays a critical role in maintaining these systems, which work by absorbing sudden shocks that may even exceed design thresholds.[29] Environmental disturbances are certainly expected to challenge the dexterity of these systems, so the presence of safe failures almost certainly appears to be a necessity.

The first element of urban climate resiliency focuses on “systems’ or the physical infrastructure embedded in urban systems. A critical concern of urban resiliency is linked to the idea of maintaining support systems that in turn enable the networks of provisioning and exchange for populations in urban areas. These systems concern both physical infrastructure in the city and ecosystems within or surrounding the urban center; while working to provide essential services like food production, flood control, or runoff management. For example, city electricity, a necessity of urban life, depends on the performance of generators, grids, and distant reservoirs. The failure of these core systems jeopardizes human well-being in these urban areas, with that being said, it is crucial to maintain them in the face of impending environmental disturbances. Societies need to build resiliency into these systems in order to achieve such a feat. Resilient systems work to “ensure that functionality is retained and can be re-instated through system linkages” despite some failures or operational disturbances. Ensuring the functionality of these important systems is achieved through instilling and maintaining flexibility in the presence of a “safe failure.” Resilient systems achieve flexibility by making sure that key functions are distributed in a way that they would not all be affected by a given event at one time, what is often referred to as spatial diversity, and has multiple methods for meeting a given need, what is often referred to as functional diversity. The presence of safe failures also plays a critical role in maintaining these systems, which work by absorbing sudden shocks that may even exceed design thresholds. Environmental disturbances are certainly expected to challenge the dexterity of these systems, so the presence of safe failures almost certainly appears to be a necessity.

城市气候弹性的第一个要素侧重于”系统”或嵌入城市系统的有形基础设施。城市复原力的一个关键问题与维持支助系统的想法有关,这些系统反过来又能够为城市地区的人口提供供应和交流网络。这些系统既涉及城市的物质基础设施,也涉及城市中心或周边的生态系统; 同时致力于提供基本服务,如粮食生产、洪水控制或径流管理。例如,城市电力是城市生活的必需品,取决于发电机、电网和远距离水库的性能。这些核心系统的失灵危及这些城市地区的人类福祉,尽管如此,在即将发生的环境扰动面前保持这些系统至关重要。社会需要在这些系统中建立弹性,以实现这样的壮举。弹性系统的工作是”确保保留功能,并可通过系统联接重新安装”,尽管存在一些故障或运行干扰。确保这些重要系统的功能是通过在出现”安全故障”时灌输和保持灵活性来实现的具有弹性的系统通过确保关键功能的分布方式实现灵活性,这种分布方式不会全部受到某一特定事件的影响,也就是通常所说的空间多样性,而且具有满足特定需求的多种方法,也就是通常所说的功能多样性。安全故障的存在对于维护这些系统也起着至关重要的作用,这些系统的工作方式是吸收甚至可能超过设计阈值的突然冲击。环境干扰肯定会对这些系统的灵活性构成挑战,因此安全故障的出现几乎肯定是必要的。

Further, another important component of these systems is bounce-back ability. In the instance where dangerous climatic events affect these urban centers, recovering or "bouncing-back" is of great importance. In fact, in most disaster studies, urban resilience is often defined as "the capacity of a city to rebound from destruction." This idea of bounce-back for urban systems is also engrained in governmental literature of the same topic. For example, the former government's first Intelligence and Security Coordinator of the United States described urban resilience as "the capacity to absorb shocks and to bounce back into functioning shape, or at the least, sufficient resilience to prevent...system collapse." Keeping these quotations in mind, bounce-back discourse has been and should continue to be an important part of urban climate resiliency framework.[30] Other theorists have critiqued this idea of bounce-back, citing this as privileging the status quo, rather advocating the notion of ‘bouncing forward’, permitting system evolution and improvement.[31]

Further, another important component of these systems is bounce-back ability. In the instance where dangerous climatic events affect these urban centers, recovering or "bouncing-back" is of great importance. In fact, in most disaster studies, urban resilience is often defined as "the capacity of a city to rebound from destruction." This idea of bounce-back for urban systems is also engrained in governmental literature of the same topic. For example, the former government's first Intelligence and Security Coordinator of the United States described urban resilience as "the capacity to absorb shocks and to bounce back into functioning shape, or at the least, sufficient resilience to prevent...system collapse." Keeping these quotations in mind, bounce-back discourse has been and should continue to be an important part of urban climate resiliency framework.Coaffee, Jon. "Towards Next-Generation Urban Resilience in Planning Practice: From Securitization to Integrated Place Making." Planning Practice and Research 28:3. 2013. Other theorists have critiqued this idea of bounce-back, citing this as privileging the status quo, rather advocating the notion of ‘bouncing forward’, permitting system evolution and improvement.

此外,这些系统的另一个重要组成部分是反弹能力。在危险的气候事件影响这些城市中心的情况下,恢复或“反弹”是非常重要的。事实上,在大多数灾害研究中,城市复原力通常被定义为“城市从破坏中反弹的能力”这种城市体系的反弹观念也根深蒂固地存在于同一主题的政府文献中。例如,美国前政府首位情报和安全协调员将城市复原力描述为“承受冲击并恢复正常运转的能力,或者至少是防止系统崩溃的足够复原力”牢记这些话语,反弹性论述一直是而且应该继续是城市气候弹性框架的重要组成部分。科菲,乔恩。走向规划实践中的下一代城市复原力: 从证券化到综合场所制造规划实践与研究28:3。2013.其他理论家批评这种反弹的想法,引用这为特权的现状,而不是提倡的概念“跳跃前进”,允许系统进化和改进。

The next element of urban climate resiliency focuses on the social agents (also described as social actors) present in urban centers. Many of these agents depend on the urban centers for their very existence, so they share a common interest of working towards protecting and maintaining their urban surroundings.[29] Agents in urban centers have the capacity to deliberate and rationally make decisions, which plays an important role in climate resiliency theory. One cannot overlook the role of local governments and community organizations, which will be forced to make key decisions with regards to organizing and delivering key services and plans for combating the impending effects of climate change.[29] Perhaps most importantly, these social agents must increase their capacities with regards to the notions of “resourcefulness and responsiveness.[29] Responsiveness refers to the capacity of social actors and groups to organize and re-organize, as well as the ability to anticipate and plan for disruptive events. Resourcefulness refers to the capacity of social actors in urban centers to mobilize varying assets and resources in order to take action.[29] Urban centers will be able to better fend for themselves in the heat of climatic disturbances when responsiveness and resourcefulness is collectively achieved in an effective manner.

The next element of urban climate resiliency focuses on the social agents (also described as social actors) present in urban centers. Many of these agents depend on the urban centers for their very existence, so they share a common interest of working towards protecting and maintaining their urban surroundings. Agents in urban centers have the capacity to deliberate and rationally make decisions, which plays an important role in climate resiliency theory. One cannot overlook the role of local governments and community organizations, which will be forced to make key decisions with regards to organizing and delivering key services and plans for combating the impending effects of climate change. Perhaps most importantly, these social agents must increase their capacities with regards to the notions of “resourcefulness and responsiveness. Responsiveness refers to the capacity of social actors and groups to organize and re-organize, as well as the ability to anticipate and plan for disruptive events. Resourcefulness refers to the capacity of social actors in urban centers to mobilize varying assets and resources in order to take action. Urban centers will be able to better fend for themselves in the heat of climatic disturbances when responsiveness and resourcefulness is collectively achieved in an effective manner.

城市气候弹性的下一个要素侧重于存在于城市中心的社会行动者(也称为社会行动者)。许多这些代理人依赖城市中心的存在,所以他们有着共同的利益,致力于保护和维护他们的城市环境。城市中心的行为主体具有深思熟虑和理性决策的能力,这在气候弹性理论中起着重要作用。我们不能忽视地方政府和社区组织的作用,它们将被迫在组织和提供关键服务和计划方面作出关键决定,以应对即将发生的气候变化影响。也许最重要的是,这些社会代理人必须提高他们的能力方面的概念“智谋和响应。反应能力是指社会行为者和团体组织和重新组织的能力,以及预测和计划破坏性事件的能力。资源性是指城市中心的社会行为者为采取行动而调动各种资产和资源的能力。当反应能力和应变能力以一种有效的方式集体实现时,城市中心将能够更好地在气候干扰的热浪中保护自己。

The final component of urban climate resiliency concerns the social and political institutions present in urban environments. Governance, the process of decision making, is a critical element affecting climate resiliency. As climate justice has revealed, the individual areas and countries that are least responsible for the phenomenon of climate change are also the ones who are going to be most negatively affected by future environmental disturbances.[32] The same is true in urban centers. Those who are most responsible for climate change are going to disproportionately feel the negative effects of climatic disturbances when compared to their poorer, more vulnerable counterparts in society. Just like the wealthier countries have worked to create the most pollution, the wealthier subpopulations of society who can afford carbon-emitting luxuries like cars and homes undoubtedly produce a much more significant carbon footprint. It is also important to note that these more vulnerable populations, because of their inferior social statuses, are unable to participate in the decision-making processes with regards to these issues. Decision-making processes must be augmented to be more participatory and inclusive, allowing those individuals and groups most affected by environmental disturbances to play an active role in determining how to best avoid them.[33] Another important role of these social and political institutions will concern the dissemination of public information. Individual communities who have access to timely information with regards to hazards are better able to respond to these threats.[34]

The final component of urban climate resiliency concerns the social and political institutions present in urban environments. Governance, the process of decision making, is a critical element affecting climate resiliency. As climate justice has revealed, the individual areas and countries that are least responsible for the phenomenon of climate change are also the ones who are going to be most negatively affected by future environmental disturbances. The same is true in urban centers. Those who are most responsible for climate change are going to disproportionately feel the negative effects of climatic disturbances when compared to their poorer, more vulnerable counterparts in society. Just like the wealthier countries have worked to create the most pollution, the wealthier subpopulations of society who can afford carbon-emitting luxuries like cars and homes undoubtedly produce a much more significant carbon footprint. It is also important to note that these more vulnerable populations, because of their inferior social statuses, are unable to participate in the decision-making processes with regards to these issues. Decision-making processes must be augmented to be more participatory and inclusive, allowing those individuals and groups most affected by environmental disturbances to play an active role in determining how to best avoid them. Another important role of these social and political institutions will concern the dissemination of public information. Individual communities who have access to timely information with regards to hazards are better able to respond to these threats.Satterthwaite, D., Huq, S., Pelling, M., Reid, H., & Lankao, P.R. (2007). Adapting to Climate Change in Urban Areas: The Possibilities and Constraints in Low- and Middle-Income Nations. International Institute for Environment and Development, Discussion Paper

城市气候复原力的最后一个组成部分涉及城市环境中的社会和政治机构。治理,即决策过程,是影响气候弹性的一个关键因素。正如气候正义所揭示的那样,对气候变化现象负有最小责任的个别地区和国家也将是受未来环境干扰影响最严重的地区和国家。城市中心的情况也是如此。那些对气候变化负有最大责任的人与他们社会中更贫穷、更脆弱的对手相比,将会不成比例地感受到气候干扰的负面影响。正如富裕国家努力制造最多的污染一样,社会中能够负担得起汽车和房屋等排放二氧化碳的奢侈品的富裕亚群无疑产生了更大的碳足印。还必须指出,这些较脆弱的人口由于社会地位低下,无法参与有关这些问题的决策进程。必须扩大决策进程,使其更具参与性和包容性,使受环境扰动影响最大的个人和群体能够在确定如何最好地避免这些扰动方面发挥积极作用。这些社会和政治机构的另一个重要作用是传播新闻。能够及时获得有关危险信息的个别社区能够更好地应对这些威胁。萨特思韦特,d. ,Huq,s. ,Pelling,m. ,Reid,h. ,& 兰考,p.r。(2007).城市地区适应气候变化: 中低收入国家的可能性和制约因素。国际环境与发展研究所,讨论文件

Human resilience

Global climate change is going to increase the probability of extreme weather events and environmental disturbances around the world, needless to say, future human populations are going to have to confront this issue. Every society around the world differs in its capacity with regards to combating climate change because of certain pre-existing factors such as having the proper monetary and institutional mechanisms in place to execute preparedness and recovery plans. Despite these differences, communities around the world are on a level-playing field with regards to building and maintaining at least some degree “human resilience”.[35]

Global climate change is going to increase the probability of extreme weather events and environmental disturbances around the world, needless to say, future human populations are going to have to confront this issue. Every society around the world differs in its capacity with regards to combating climate change because of certain pre-existing factors such as having the proper monetary and institutional mechanisms in place to execute preparedness and recovery plans. Despite these differences, communities around the world are on a level-playing field with regards to building and maintaining at least some degree “human resilience”.

全球气候变化将增加世界各地发生极端天气事件和环境干扰的可能性,不用说,未来的人类将不得不面对这个问题。世界各地的每个社会在应对气候变化方面的能力各不相同,这是由于某些预先存在的因素,例如有适当的货币和体制机制来执行备灾和恢复计划。尽管存在这些差异,但世界各地的社区在建设和保持至少一定程度的”人类复原力”方面处于公平竞争环境。

Resilience has two components: that provided by nature, and that provided through human action and interaction. An example of climate resilience provided by nature is the manner in which porous soil more effectively allows for the drainage of flood water than more compact soil. An example of human action that affects climate resilience would be the facilitation of response and recovery procedures by social institutions or organizations. This theory of human resilience largely focuses on the human populations and calls for building towards the overall goal of decreasing human vulnerability in the face of climate change and extreme weather events. Vulnerability to climatic disturbances has two sides: the first deals with the degree of exposure to dangerous hazards, which one can effectively identify as susceptibility. The second side deals with the capacity to recover from disaster consequences, or resilience in other words.[35] The looming threat of environmental disturbances and extreme weather events certainly calls for some action, and human resiliency theory seeks to solve the issue by largely focusing on decreasing the vulnerability of human populations.

Resilience has two components: that provided by nature, and that provided through human action and interaction. An example of climate resilience provided by nature is the manner in which porous soil more effectively allows for the drainage of flood water than more compact soil. An example of human action that affects climate resilience would be the facilitation of response and recovery procedures by social institutions or organizations. This theory of human resilience largely focuses on the human populations and calls for building towards the overall goal of decreasing human vulnerability in the face of climate change and extreme weather events. Vulnerability to climatic disturbances has two sides: the first deals with the degree of exposure to dangerous hazards, which one can effectively identify as susceptibility. The second side deals with the capacity to recover from disaster consequences, or resilience in other words. The looming threat of environmental disturbances and extreme weather events certainly calls for some action, and human resiliency theory seeks to solve the issue by largely focusing on decreasing the vulnerability of human populations.

韧性有两个组成部分: 大自然提供的,以及通过人类行动和互动提供的。大自然提供的气候适应能力的一个例子是,多孔土壤比较致密的土壤更有效地排放洪水。影响气候抗御能力的人类行动的一个例子是促进社会机构或组织的应对和恢复程序。这一关于人类复原力的理论主要侧重于人口,并呼吁为实现减少人类在气候变化和极端天气事件面前的脆弱性这一总体目标而努力。易受气候干扰的脆弱性有两个方面: 第一个方面涉及危险危害的暴露程度,人们可以有效地将其确定为易受气候干扰的程度。第二方面涉及从灾难后果中恢复的能力,或者换句话说,是恢复能力。环境干扰和极端天气事件的威胁迫在眉睫,当然需要采取一些行动,人类弹性理论试图通过主要侧重于减少人口的脆弱性来解决这一问题。

How do human populations work to decrease their vulnerability to impending and dangerous climatic events? Up until recently, the international approach to environmental emergencies focused largely on post-impact activities such as reconstruction and recovery.[35] However, the international approach is changing to a more comprehensive risk assessment that includes “pre-impact disaster risk reduction – prevention, preparedness, and mitigation.”[36] In the case of human resiliency, preparedness can largely be defined as the measures taken in advance to ensure an effective response to the impact of environmental hazards.[35] Mitigation, when viewed in this context, refers to the structural and nonstructural measures undertaken to limit the adverse impacts of climatic disturbances.[35] This is not to be confused with mitigation with regards to the overall topic of climate change, which refers to reduction of carbon or greenhouse emissions. By accounting for these impending climate disasters both before and after they occur, human populations are able to decrease their vulnerability to these disturbances.

How do human populations work to decrease their vulnerability to impending and dangerous climatic events? Up until recently, the international approach to environmental emergencies focused largely on post-impact activities such as reconstruction and recovery. However, the international approach is changing to a more comprehensive risk assessment that includes “pre-impact disaster risk reduction – prevention, preparedness, and mitigation.” In the case of human resiliency, preparedness can largely be defined as the measures taken in advance to ensure an effective response to the impact of environmental hazards. Mitigation, when viewed in this context, refers to the structural and nonstructural measures undertaken to limit the adverse impacts of climatic disturbances. This is not to be confused with mitigation with regards to the overall topic of climate change, which refers to reduction of carbon or greenhouse emissions. By accounting for these impending climate disasters both before and after they occur, human populations are able to decrease their vulnerability to these disturbances.

人类如何努力减少其对即将发生的危险气候事件的脆弱性?直到最近,环境紧急情况的国际处理办法主要侧重于影响后的活动,例如重建和恢复。然而,国际方法正在转变为一种更全面的风险评估,其中包括“灾害前减少风险——预防、准备和缓解”就人的复原力而言,备灾在很大程度上可以界定为事先采取的措施,以确保有效应对环境危害的影响。在这种情况下,缓解是指为限制气候扰动的不利影响而采取的结构性和非结构性措施。这不应与减缓气候变化的总体主题相混淆,后者指的是减少碳排放或温室气体排放。通过考虑到这些迫在眉睫的气候灾害发生之前和之后的情况,人类能够降低其对这些干扰的脆弱性。

A major element of building and maintaining human resilience is public health.[35] The institution of public health as a whole is uniquely placed at the community level to foster human resilience to climate-related disturbances. As an institution, public health can play an active part in reducing human vulnerability by promoting “healthy people and healthy homes.”[37]) Healthy people are less likely to suffer from disaster-related mortality and are therefore viewed as more disaster-resilient. Healthy homes are designed and built to maintain its structure and withstand extreme climate events. By merely focusing on the individual health of populations and assuring the durability of the homes that house these populations, at least some degree human resiliency towards climate change can be achieved.

A major element of building and maintaining human resilience is public health. The institution of public health as a whole is uniquely placed at the community level to foster human resilience to climate-related disturbances. As an institution, public health can play an active part in reducing human vulnerability by promoting “healthy people and healthy homes.”) Healthy people are less likely to suffer from disaster-related mortality and are therefore viewed as more disaster-resilient. Healthy homes are designed and built to maintain its structure and withstand extreme climate events. By merely focusing on the individual health of populations and assuring the durability of the homes that house these populations, at least some degree human resiliency towards climate change can be achieved.

建立和维持人类复原力的一个主要因素是公共卫生。公共卫生机构作为一个整体,在社区一级具有独特的地位,可以促进人类对气候相关干扰的适应能力。作为一个机构,公共卫生可以通过促进”健康的人和健康的家庭”,在减少人类脆弱性方面发挥积极作用健康的人不太可能遭受与灾害有关的死亡,因此被视为更具抗灾能力。设计和建造健康的住宅是为了保持其结构和抵御极端气候事件。只要把重点放在人口的个人健康上,并确保为这些人口提供住房的耐久性,至少可以在一定程度上实现人类应对气候变化的复原能力。

Climate resilience in practice

The building of climate resilience is a highly comprehensive undertaking that involves of an eclectic array of actors and agents: individuals, community organizations, micropolitical bodies, corporations, governments at local, state, and national levels as well as international organizations. In essence, actions that bolster climate resilience are ones that will enhance the adaptive capacity of social, industrial, and environmental infrastructures that can mitigate the effects of climate change. [38] Currently, research indicates that the strongest indicator of successful climate resilience efforts at all scales is a well-developed, pre-existing network of social, political, economic and financial institutions that is already positioned to effectively take on the work of identifying and addressing the risks posed by climate change. Cities, states, and nations that have already developed such networks are, as expected, to generally have far higher net incomes and GDP. [39]

The building of climate resilience is a highly comprehensive undertaking that involves of an eclectic array of actors and agents: individuals, community organizations, micropolitical bodies, corporations, governments at local, state, and national levels as well as international organizations. In essence, actions that bolster climate resilience are ones that will enhance the adaptive capacity of social, industrial, and environmental infrastructures that can mitigate the effects of climate change.

Currently, research indicates that the strongest indicator of successful climate resilience efforts at all scales is a well-developed, pre-existing network of social, political, economic and financial institutions that is already positioned to effectively take on the work of identifying and addressing the risks posed by climate change. Cities, states, and nations that have already developed such networks are, as expected, to generally have far higher net incomes and GDP. 


= = = 实际上的气候适应能力 = = 建设气候适应能力是一项高度全面的工作,涉及各种行为者和机构: 个人、社区组织、微观政治机构、公司、地方、州和国家各级政府以及国际组织。从本质上讲,加强气候适应能力的行动是那些能够加强社会、工业和环境基础设施的适应能力,从而减轻气候变化影响的行动。目前,研究表明,在所有规模上成功应对气候变化的努力的最强有力的指标,是一个完善的、已经存在的社会、政治、经济和金融机构网络,它已经能够有效地承担查明和应对气候变化带来的风险的工作。正如预期的那样,已经建立了这种网络的城市、州和国家的净收入和国内生产总值一般都要高得多。

Therefore, it can be seen that embedded within the task of building climate resilience at any scale will be the overcoming of macroscopic socioeconomic inequities: in many ways, truly facilitating the construction of climate resilient communities worldwide will require national and international agencies to address issues of global poverty, industrial development, and food justice. However, this does not mean that actions to improve climate resilience cannot be taken in real time at all levels, although evidence suggests that the most climate resilient cities and nations have accumulated this resilience through their responses to previous weather-based disasters. Perhaps even more importantly, empirical evidence suggests that the creation of the climate resilient structures is dependent upon an array of social and environmental reforms that were only successfully passed due to the presence of certain sociopolitical structures such as democracy, activist movements, and decentralization of government. [40]

Thus it can be seen that to build climate resilience one must work within a network of related social and economic decisions that can have adverse effects on the success of a resilience effort given the competing interests participating in the discussion. Given this, it is clear that the social and economic scale play a vital role in shaping the feasibility, costs, empirical success, and efficiency of climate resilience initiatives. There is a wide variety of actions that can be pursued to improve climate resilience at multiple scales – the following subsections we will review a series of illustrative case studies and strategies from a broad diversity of societal contexts that are currently being implemented to strengthen climate resilience.

Therefore, it can be seen that embedded within the task of building climate resilience at any scale will be the overcoming of macroscopic socioeconomic inequities: in many ways, truly facilitating the construction of climate resilient communities worldwide will require national and international agencies to address issues of global poverty, industrial development, and food justice. However, this does not mean that actions to improve climate resilience cannot be taken in real time at all levels, although evidence suggests that the most climate resilient cities and nations have accumulated this resilience through their responses to previous weather-based disasters. Perhaps even more importantly, empirical evidence suggests that the creation of the climate resilient structures is dependent upon an array of social and environmental reforms that were only successfully passed due to the presence of certain sociopolitical structures such as democracy, activist movements, and decentralization of government.


Thus it can be seen that to build climate resilience one must work within a network of related social and economic decisions that can have adverse effects on the success of a resilience effort given the competing interests participating in the discussion. Given this, it is clear that the social and economic scale play a vital role in shaping the feasibility, costs, empirical success, and efficiency of climate resilience initiatives. There is a wide variety of actions that can be pursued to improve climate resilience at multiple scales – the following subsections we will review a series of illustrative case studies and strategies from a broad diversity of societal contexts that are currently being implemented to strengthen climate resilience.

因此,可以看出,在任何规模建设气候抗御能力的任务中都包含克服宏观社会经济不平等的内容: 在许多方面,真正促进在全世界建设具有气候抗御能力的社区将需要国家和国际机构解决全球贫困、工业发展和粮食公正问题。然而,这并不意味着不能在各级实时采取行动提高气候复原力,尽管有证据表明,最具气候复原力的城市和国家通过应对以往的天气灾害,积累了这种复原力。也许更重要的是,经验证明认为,建立具有气候复原力的结构取决于一系列的社会和环境改革,而这些改革只是因为某些社会政治结构的存在才得以成功通过,比如民主、活动家运动和政府的地方分权。因此,可以看出,鉴于参与讨论的相互竞争的利益集团,为了建立气候抗御能力,必须在一个相关的社会和经济决策网络内开展工作,这些决策可能对抗御能力努力的成功产生不利影响。有鉴于此,很明显,社会和经济规模在塑造气候弹性举措的可行性、成本、经验成功和效率方面发挥着至关重要的作用。为了在多种尺度上提高气候抗御能力,可以采取各种各样的行动 -- 以下各分节将回顾一系列来自各种社会背景的说明性案例研究和战略,这些案例和战略目前正在实施,以加强气候抗御能力。

Local and community level

Local and community level

= = 地方和社区水平 =

Housing and workplace conditions

Housing and workplace conditions

= = = 住房和工作环境 = =

文件:Housing, Kenya 2006. Photo- AusAID (10704025714).jpg
Improving housing conditions in Kenya is a prime target for local climate resilience efforts

thumb|alt=alt text|Improving housing conditions in Kenya is a prime target for local climate resilience efforts

改善肯尼亚的住房条件是当地应对气候变化努力的首要目标

Housing inequality is directly related to the ability for individuals and communities to sustain adverse impacts brought on by extreme weather events that are triggered by climate change, such as severe winds, storms, and flooding. Especially for communities in developing nations and the Third World, the integrity of housing structures is one of the most significant sources of vulnerability currently. [41] However, even in more developed nations such as the US, there are still multitudes of socioeconomically disadvantaged areas where outdated housing infrastructure is estimated to provide poor climate resilience at best, as well as numerous negative health outcomes. [39]

Housing inequality is directly related to the ability for individuals and communities to sustain adverse impacts brought on by extreme weather events that are triggered by climate change, such as severe winds, storms, and flooding. Especially for communities in developing nations and the Third World, the integrity of housing structures is one of the most significant sources of vulnerability currently.

However, even in more developed nations such as the US, there are still multitudes of socioeconomically disadvantaged areas where outdated housing infrastructure is estimated to provide poor climate resilience at best, as well as numerous negative health outcomes.


住房不平等直接关系到个人和社区是否有能力承受气候变化引发的极端天气事件带来的不利影响,如强风、风暴和洪水。特别是对于发展中国家和第三世界的社区而言,住房结构的完整性是目前脆弱性的最重要来源之一。然而,即使在美国这样的发达国家,仍有大量社会经济地位不利的地区,据估计,过时的住房基础设施最多只能提供较差的气候适应能力,以及众多负面的健康后果。

Efforts to improve the resiliency of housing and workplace buildings involves not only fortifying these buildings through use of updated materials and foundation, but also establishing better standards that ensure safer and health conditions for occupants. Better housing standards are in the course of being established through calls for sufficient space, natural lighting, provision for heating or cooling, insulation, and ventilation. One such example is the emergence of an unprecedented grassroots organisation Architects Assist in Australia, through which hundreds of architecture firms provide pro bono disaster recovery and resilience advice to individuals and local government.[42]

Efforts to improve the resiliency of housing and workplace buildings involves not only fortifying these buildings through use of updated materials and foundation, but also establishing better standards that ensure safer and health conditions for occupants. Better housing standards are in the course of being established through calls for sufficient space, natural lighting, provision for heating or cooling, insulation, and ventilation. One such example is the emergence of an unprecedented grassroots organisation Architects Assist in Australia, through which hundreds of architecture firms provide pro bono disaster recovery and resilience advice to individuals and local government.

为提高住房和工作场所建筑物的复原力,不仅需要通过使用更新的材料和基础来加固这些建筑物,而且还需要制定更好的标准,确保居住者享有更安全和健康的条件。通过要求足够的空间、自然采光、供暖或供冷、隔热和通风,正在建立更好的住房标准。例如,澳大利亚出现了一个前所未有的草根组织“建筑师协会”(Architects Assist in Australia) ,通过这个组织,数百家建筑公司为个人和地方政府提供无偿的灾后恢复和抗灾建议。

Another major issue faced more commonly by communities in the Third World are highly disorganized and inconsistently enforced housing rights systems. In countries such as Kenya and Nicaragua, local militias or corrupted government bodies that have reserved the right to seizure of any housing properties as needed: the end result is the degradation of any ability for citizens to develop climate resilient housing – without property rights for their own homes, the people are powerless to make changes to their housing situation without facing potentially harmful consequences. [43]

Another major issue faced more commonly by communities in the Third World are highly disorganized and inconsistently enforced housing rights systems. In countries such as Kenya and Nicaragua, local militias or corrupted government bodies that have reserved the right to seizure of any housing properties as needed: the end result is the degradation of any ability for citizens to develop climate resilient housing – without property rights for their own homes, the people are powerless to make changes to their housing situation without facing potentially harmful consequences.

Moser, C., & Stein, A. (2010). Pro-Poor Adaptation to Climate Change in Urban Centers : Case Studies of Vulnerability and Resilience in Kenya and Nicaragua. World Bank.


第三世界社区更普遍面临的另一个主要问题是高度混乱和执行不一致的住房权利制度。在肯尼亚和尼加拉瓜等国,地方民兵或腐败的政府机构保留根据需要没收任何住房财产的权利: 最终结果是公民发展适应气候变化的住房的任何能力退化 -- 没有自己住房的财产权,人民无力改变其住房状况而不面临潜在的有害后果。莫泽,c. ,和斯坦因,a。(2010).城市中心扶贫适应气候变化: 肯尼亚和尼加拉瓜脆弱性和复原力案例研究。世界银行。

Grassroots community organizing and micropolitical action

Grassroots community organizing and micropolitical action

= = 草根社区组织和微观政治行动 = =

Modern climate resilience scholars have noted that contrary to conventional beliefs, the communities that have been most effective in establishing high levels of climate resilience have actually done so through “bottom-up” political pressures. “Top-down” approaches involving state or federal level decisions have empirically been marred with dysfunction across different levels of government due to internal mismanagement and political gridlock. [39] [40] As a result, in many ways it is being found that the most efficient responses to climate change have actually been initiated and mobilized at local levels. Particularly compelling has been the ability of bottom-up pressures from local civil society to fuel the creation of micropolitical institutions that have compartmentalized the tasks necessary for building climate resilience. For example, the city of Tokyo, Japan has developed a robust network of micropolitical agencies all dedicated to building resilience in specific industrial sectors: transportation, workplace conditions, emergency shelters, and more. [39] Due to their compact size, local level micropolitical bodies can act quickly without much stagnation and resistance from larger special interests that can generate bureaucratic dysfunction at higher levels of government.

Modern climate resilience scholars have noted that contrary to conventional beliefs, the communities that have been most effective in establishing high levels of climate resilience have actually done so through “bottom-up” political pressures. “Top-down” approaches involving state or federal level decisions have empirically been marred with dysfunction across different levels of government due to internal mismanagement and political gridlock.

As a result, in many ways it is being found that the most efficient responses to climate change have actually been initiated and mobilized at local levels.  Particularly compelling has been the ability of bottom-up pressures from local civil society to fuel the creation of micropolitical institutions that have compartmentalized the tasks necessary for building climate resilience. For example, the city of Tokyo, Japan has developed a robust network of micropolitical agencies all dedicated to building resilience in specific industrial sectors: transportation, workplace conditions, emergency shelters, and more.

Due to their compact size, local level micropolitical bodies can act quickly without much stagnation and resistance from larger special interests that can generate bureaucratic dysfunction at higher levels of government.

现代气候适应能力学者指出,与传统观念相反,那些在建立高水平气候适应能力方面最有效的社区实际上是通过”自下而上”的政治压力这样做的。由于内部管理不善和政治僵局,涉及州或联邦一级决策的“自上而下”的方法已经在经验上受到各级政府机能失调的损害。因此,人们在许多方面发现,应对气候变化的最有效对策实际上是在地方一级发起和动员的。特别引人注目的是,地方民间社会自下而上的压力有能力推动建立微观政治机构,这些机构将建设气候抗御能力所需的任务分割开来。例如,日本东京市已经建立了一个强大的微观政治机构网络,这些机构都致力于在特定的工业部门建立复原力: 交通、工作环境、紧急避难所等等。由于其紧凑的规模,地方一级的微型政治机构可以迅速采取行动,而不会出现停滞和更大的特殊利益集团的抵制,这些特殊利益集团可能会在更高级别的政府中产生官僚机能障碍。

Low-cost engineering solutions

Equally important to building climate resilience has been the wide array of basic technological solutions have been developed and implemented at community levels. In developing countries such as Mozambique and Tanzania, the construction of concrete “breaker” walls and concentrated use of sandbags in key areas such as housing entrances and doorways has improved the ability of communities to sustain the damages yielded by extreme weather events. Additional strategies have included digging homemade drainage systems to protect local infrastructure of extensive water damage and flooding. [41]

Equally important to building climate resilience has been the wide array of basic technological solutions have been developed and implemented at community levels. In developing countries such as Mozambique and Tanzania, the construction of concrete “breaker” walls and concentrated use of sandbags in key areas such as housing entrances and doorways has improved the ability of communities to sustain the damages yielded by extreme weather events. Additional strategies have included digging homemade drainage systems to protect local infrastructure of extensive water damage and flooding.


= = = = = = 对于建设气候适应能力而言,同样重要的是在社区一级开发和实施了一系列基本的技术解决办法。在莫桑比克和坦桑尼亚等发展中国家,建造混凝土”破碎机”墙和在住房入口和门口等关键地区集中使用沙袋,提高了社区承受极端天气事件造成的破坏的能力。其他的策略还包括挖掘自制的排水系统,以保护当地的基础设施免受大面积的水灾和洪水的破坏。

文件:Delhi Aerial View, Satellite Image, India September 2003.jpg
An aerial view of Dehli, India where urban forests are being developed to improve the weather resistance and climate resilience of the city

thumb|left|alt=alt text|An aerial view of Dehli, India where urban forests are being developed to improve the weather resistance and climate resilience of the city

Dehli 的鸟瞰图,这里的城市森林正在被开发,以提高城市的天气抵抗力和气候适应力

In more urban areas, construction of a “green belt” on the peripheries of cities has become increasingly common. Green belts are being used as means of improving climate resilience – in addition to provide natural air filtering, these belts of trees have proven to be a healthier and sustainable means of mitigating the damages created by heavy winds and storms.[39][44]

In more urban areas, construction of a “green belt” on the peripheries of cities has become increasingly common. Green belts are being used as means of improving climate resilience – in addition to provide natural air filtering, these belts of trees have proven to be a healthier and sustainable means of mitigating the damages created by heavy winds and storms.adaptOakland. "CA Proposition 84 Urban Greening Planning Grant for Adapt Oakland." Web. 12 Mar 2014. ForYouToKnow.pdf>

在更多的城市地区,在城市周边建设“绿化带”已经变得越来越普遍。绿化带被用作提高气候适应能力的手段——除了提供自然的空气过滤外,这些树木带已被证明是一种更健康和可持续的减轻强风和暴风造成的损害的手段。 adaptoakland。“ CA 提案84号城市绿化规划拨款以适应奥克兰。”网页。二零一四年三月十二日。ForYouToKnow.pdf>

State and national level

模板:Missing information

Climate-resilient infrastructure

Infrastructure failures can have broad-reaching consequences extending away from the site of the original event, and for a considerable duration after the immediate failure. Furthermore, increasing reliance infrastructure system interdependence, in combination with the effects of climate change and population growth all contribute to increasing vulnerability and exposure, and greater probability of catastrophic failures.[45] To reduce this vulnerability, and in recognition of limited resources and future uncertainty about climate projections, new and existing long-lasting infrastructure must undergo a risk-based engineering and economic analyses to properly allocate resources and design for climate resilience.[46]


Infrastructure failures can have broad-reaching consequences extending away from the site of the original event, and for a considerable duration after the immediate failure. Furthermore, increasing reliance infrastructure system interdependence, in combination with the effects of climate change and population growth all contribute to increasing vulnerability and exposure, and greater probability of catastrophic failures. To reduce this vulnerability, and in recognition of limited resources and future uncertainty about climate projections, new and existing long-lasting infrastructure must undergo a risk-based engineering and economic analyses to properly allocate resources and design for climate resilience.

= = = 具有气候抗御能力的基础设施 = = = = 基础设施的失败可能产生广泛的后果,影响范围远远超出了原始事件的发生地点,而且在立即失败之后相当长的一段时间内都是如此。此外,日益依赖基础设施系统的相互依存性,加上气候变化和人口增长的影响,都有助于增加脆弱性和风险,增加灾难性故障的可能性。为了减少这种脆弱性,并认识到资源有限和气候预测的未来不确定性,必须对新的和现有的长期基础设施进行基于风险的工程和经济分析,以适当分配资源和设计气候抗御能力。

Incorporating climate projections into building and infrastructure design standards, investment and appraisal criteria, and model building codes is currently not common.[47] Some resilience guidelines and risk-informed frameworks have been developed by public entities. For instance, the New York City Mayor’s Office of Recovery and Resiliency, New York City Transit Authority and Port Authority of New York and New Jersey have each developed independent design guidelines for the resiliency of critical infrastructure.

Incorporating climate projections into building and infrastructure design standards, investment and appraisal criteria, and model building codes is currently not common. Some resilience guidelines and risk-informed frameworks have been developed by public entities. For instance, the New York City Mayor’s Office of Recovery and Resiliency, New York City Transit Authority and Port Authority of New York and New Jersey have each developed independent design guidelines for the resiliency of critical infrastructure.

将气候预测纳入建筑和基础设施设计标准、投资和评估标准以及示范建筑法规目前还不常见。公共实体制定了一些抗灾能力准则和风险知情框架。例如,纽约市市长办公室的恢复和弹性,纽约市公共运输局和港务局的纽约和新泽西都制定了独立的设计指导方针的关键基础设施的弹性。

To address the need for consistent methodologies across infrastructure sectors and to support development of standards for adaptive design and risk management owing to climate change, the American Society of Civil Engineers has published a Manual of Practice on Climate-Resilient Infrastructure. The manual offers guidance for adaptive design methods, characterization of extremes, development of flood design criteria, flood load calculation and the application of adaptive risk management principals account for more severe climate/weather extremes.[48]

To address the need for consistent methodologies across infrastructure sectors and to support development of standards for adaptive design and risk management owing to climate change, the American Society of Civil Engineers has published a Manual of Practice on Climate-Resilient Infrastructure. The manual offers guidance for adaptive design methods, characterization of extremes, development of flood design criteria, flood load calculation and the application of adaptive risk management principals account for more severe climate/weather extremes.

为了满足各基础设施部门采用一致方法的需要,并支持制定适应性设计和风险管理标准,美国土木工程师协会出版了《气候抗御能力基础设施实践手册》。该手册为适应性设计方法、极端角色塑造、洪水设计标准的制定、洪水负荷计算和适应性风险管理原则的应用提供了指导。

Infrastructural development disaster preparedness protocols

Infrastructural development disaster preparedness protocols

= = = 基础设施开发/灾害管理/协议 = =

At larger governmental levels, general programs to improve climate resiliency through greater disaster preparedness are being implemented. For example, in cases such as Norway, this includes the development of more sensitive and far-reaching early warning systems for extreme weather events, creation of emergency electricity power sources, enhanced public transportation systems, and more. [49] To examine another case study, the state California in the US has been pursuing more comprehensive federal financial aid systems for communities afflicted by natural disaster, spurred in part by the large amounts of criticism that was placed on the US federal government after what was perceived by many to be a mishandling of Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Sandy relief. [50] [51]

At larger governmental levels, general programs to improve climate resiliency through greater disaster preparedness are being implemented. For example, in cases such as Norway, this includes the development of more sensitive and far-reaching early warning systems for extreme weather events, creation of emergency electricity power sources, enhanced public transportation systems, and more.

To examine another case study, the state California in the US has been pursuing more comprehensive federal financial aid systems for communities afflicted by natural disaster, spurred in part by the large amounts of criticism that was placed on the US federal government after what was perceived by many to be a mishandling of Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Sandy relief.

CA.gov, "Strategic growth plan bond accountability: proposition 84 overview." Web. 11 Mar 2014. <http://bondaccountability.resources.ca.gov/p84.asp&xgt>


在更大的政府层面,通过更大的灾害管理来提高气候复原力的一般性计划正在实施。例如,在挪威等国,这包括开发更加敏感和影响深远的极端天气事件预警系统,建立应急电力来源,加强公共交通系统等等。为了研究另一个案例,美国加利福尼亚州一直在为受自然灾害影响的社区寻求更全面的联邦财政援助体系,部分原因是在许多人认为对飓风卡特里娜和桑迪飓风救援处理不当之后,美国联邦政府受到了大量的批评。Ca. gov,“战略增长计划债券责任: 84号提案概述”网页。二零一四年三月十一日。< http://bondaccountability.resources.ca.gov/p84.asp&xgt >

Additionally, a key focus of action at state and federal levels is in improving water management infrastructure and access. Strategies include the creation of emergency drinking water supplies, stronger sanitation technology and standards, as well as more extensive and efficient networks of water delivery.

Additionally, a key focus of action at state and federal levels is in improving water management infrastructure and access. Strategies include the creation of emergency drinking water supplies, stronger sanitation technology and standards, as well as more extensive and efficient networks of water delivery.

此外,州和联邦各级行动的一个关键重点是改善水管理基础设施和获取途径。战略包括建立紧急饮用水供应、加强卫生技术和标准以及更广泛和更有效的供水网络。

Social services

Social services

= = 社会服务 = =

Climate resilience literature has also noted that one of the more indirect sources of resilience actually lies in the strength of the social services and social safety net that is provided for citizens by public institutions. This is an especially critical aspect of climate resilience in more socioeconomically disadvantaged communities, cities, and nations. It has been empirically found that places with stronger systems of social security and pensions oftentimes have better climate resiliency. [39] This is reasoning in the following manner: first of all, better social services for citizens translates to better access to healthcare, education, life insurance, and emergency services. Secondly, stronger systems of social services also generally increase the overall ownership of relevant economic assets that are correlated with better quality of life such as savings, house ownership, and more. Nations where residents are on more stable economic footing are in situations where there is a far higher incentive for private investment into climate resilience efforts.[39]

Climate resilience literature has also noted that one of the more indirect sources of resilience actually lies in the strength of the social services and social safety net that is provided for citizens by public institutions. This is an especially critical aspect of climate resilience in more socioeconomically disadvantaged communities, cities, and nations. It has been empirically found that places with stronger systems of social security and pensions oftentimes have better climate resiliency.

This is reasoning in the following manner: first of all, better social services for citizens translates to better access to healthcare, education, life insurance, and emergency services. Secondly, stronger systems of social services also generally increase the overall ownership of relevant economic assets that are correlated with better quality of life such as savings, house ownership, and more. Nations where residents are on more stable economic footing are in situations where there is a far higher incentive for private investment into climate resilience efforts.

气候抗御力文献还指出,抗御力的一个较为间接的来源实际上在于公共机构为公民提供的社会服务和社会安全网的力量。在社会经济条件较差的社区、城市和国家,这是气候适应能力的一个特别重要的方面。经验证明,社会保障和养老金体系较强的地方往往具有更好的气候复原力。这是按照以下方式进行的推理: 首先,为公民提供更好的社会服务可以转化为更好地获得医疗、教育、人寿保险和紧急服务。其次,更强有力的社会服务体系也普遍增加了相关经济资产的总体所有权,这些资产与更高的生活质量相关,如储蓄、房屋所有权等。在那些居民经济基础较为稳定的国家,私人投资气候适应能力的动力要大得多。

Agriculture

Agriculture is the practice of farming responsible for the cultivation of nearly all the food consumed by humans in the modern era. As environmental disturbances increase in frequency is it important for societies to develop resilience in crops and livestock. Local and national initiatives around the world now prioritize climate-resistant agriculture as crises continue to put food distribution at risk.

Agriculture is the practice of farming responsible for the cultivation of nearly all the food consumed by humans in the modern era. As environmental disturbances increase in frequency is it important for societies to develop resilience in crops and livestock. Local and national initiatives around the world now prioritize climate-resistant agriculture as crises continue to put food distribution at risk.

农业是现代人类消费的几乎所有食物的耕作方式。随着环境干扰的频率增加,社会必须发展作物和牲畜的复原力。由于危机继续危及粮食分配,世界各地的地方和国家倡议目前将抵御气候变化的农业作为优先事项。

Nations around the world are concerned with the possibilities of climate change reducing agricultural production. In recent years, multiple countries have experienced agricultural disruptions. For example, Honduras has suffered from cyclical water instability for years. The country reported a national drought in 2019, claiming it has lasted for 5 years prior. Throughout the group, sudden flooding was also common. If similar weather patterns continue, yields important crops throughout Central America are expected to fall by up to 29% over the coming decades.[52]

文件:Nicaragua 2015-04-23 1850Z.jpg
Image of brown, dry land as a result of a Nicaraguan drought. Taken in 2015, which is also when Honduras began to face a drought.

Overall, climate change is expected to reduce agricultural income by 15-25%.[citation needed] In many countries, such as India and the United States, governments are shifting Sustainable Development Goals to the forefront of their priorities. This shift involves developing climate-resilient agricultural approaches that emphasize sustainability and productivity. The Indian Government's Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare alongside Indian Council of Agricultural Research, has adopted several policies towards this end. The main focus of their climate-resilient approach is adapting current agricultural technologies, managing resources, improving crop monitoring, and building soil and environmental health. Resulting policies include the cultivation of tolerant plant breeds and the management of water, soil nutrients, and manure. Such policies created promising returns. Tolerant breeds produced 20-25% higher yields than indigenous strains when planted in the rural districts of Maharashtra.[53] Soil management measures will also contribute to stronger growth in Indian crops.

Nations around the world are concerned with the possibilities of climate change reducing agricultural production. In recent years, multiple countries have experienced agricultural disruptions. For example, Honduras has suffered from cyclical water instability for years. The country reported a national drought in 2019, claiming it has lasted for 5 years prior. Throughout the group, sudden flooding was also common. If similar weather patterns continue, yields important crops throughout Central America are expected to fall by up to 29% over the coming decades. alt=Weather patterns and fires have caused droughts throughout Central America. This satellite image finds brown, dry land in Nicaragua.|thumb|Image of brown, dry land as a result of a Nicaraguan drought. Taken in 2015, which is also when Honduras began to face a drought. Overall, climate change is expected to reduce agricultural income by 15-25%. In many countries, such as India and the United States, governments are shifting Sustainable Development Goals to the forefront of their priorities. This shift involves developing climate-resilient agricultural approaches that emphasize sustainability and productivity. The Indian Government's Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare alongside Indian Council of Agricultural Research, has adopted several policies towards this end. The main focus of their climate-resilient approach is adapting current agricultural technologies, managing resources, improving crop monitoring, and building soil and environmental health. Resulting policies include the cultivation of tolerant plant breeds and the management of water, soil nutrients, and manure. Such policies created promising returns. Tolerant breeds produced 20-25% higher yields than indigenous strains when planted in the rural districts of Maharashtra. Soil management measures will also contribute to stronger growth in Indian crops.

世界各国都对气候变化减少农业生产的可能性感到关切。近年来,多个国家都经历过农业中断。例如,洪都拉斯多年来一直受到周期性水资源不稳定的困扰。该国在2019年报告了一场全国性的干旱,声称这场干旱已经持续了5年之久。在整个小组中,突然的洪水也很常见。如果类似的天气模式继续下去,中美洲各地的重要农作物产量预计将在未来几十年下降29% 。气候模式和火灾已经导致了整个中美洲的干旱。这张卫星图片发现了尼加拉瓜的棕色干燥土地。尼加拉瓜干旱造成的棕色干旱土地的图片。这张照片拍摄于2015年,也是洪都拉斯开始面临干旱的时候。总体而言,气候变化预计将使农业收入减少15% 至25% 。在许多国家,如印度和美国,政府正将可持续发展目标转移到优先事项的前沿。这一转变涉及发展强调可持续性和生产力的具有气候抗御能力的农业方法。印度政府的农业和农民福利部以及印度农业研究理事会为此目的采取了若干政策。他们应对气候变化方法的主要重点是适应当前的农业技术、管理资源、改善作物监测以及建设土壤和环境健康。由此产生的政策包括培育耐受的植物品种和管理水,土壤养分和粪肥。这些政策创造了有希望的回报。在 Maharashtra 农村地区种植耐性品种,产量比本地品种高20-25% 。土壤管理措施也将有助于印度作物更强劲的生长。

Multiple returns of climate-resilient agriculture will be delayed. One of India's strategies, responsive crop monitoring, cannot be planned. While the government is working to create systems to guide farmers in specific situations, response farming depends on the direction of climate change. Additionally, investing in tolerant livestock breeds will decrease production in the short term. Tolerant livestock's appeal lies in their ability to resist changes to the environment as climate change worsens.[53] These immediate uncertainties are part of India's goal of promoting environmental health to support agricultural production long term.

Multiple returns of climate-resilient agriculture will be delayed. One of India's strategies, responsive crop monitoring, cannot be planned. While the government is working to create systems to guide farmers in specific situations, response farming depends on the direction of climate change. Additionally, investing in tolerant livestock breeds will decrease production in the short term. Tolerant livestock's appeal lies in their ability to resist changes to the environment as climate change worsens. These immediate uncertainties are part of India's goal of promoting environmental health to support agricultural production long term.

气候适应性农业的多重回报将被推迟。印度的战略之一,反应作物监测,不能计划。虽然政府正在努力建立系统,以指导农民在特定情况下,应对农业取决于气候变化的方向。此外,投资于耐受性强的家畜品种会在短期内减少产量。宽容的牲畜的吸引力在于它们有能力抵抗随着气候变化恶化而带来的环境变化。这些眼前的不确定性是印度促进环境健康以长期支持农业生产的目标的一部分。

Similar initiatives are implemented on local scales around the world. In the United States, the state of New York's Department of Agriculture started its Climate Resilient Farming program. This program aims to reduce the impact of climate change on agriculture and mitigate agriculture's impact on climate change. It promotes similar ideas to India's, including water management and the promotion of soil health. The climate-resilient programming also provides funds to help farmers reduce methane and properly store agricultural waste. New York state's focus on reducing greenhouse gas emissions balances developing climate-resilient agriculture and the slowing of climate change.[54]

文件:Grazing, rotational.svg
Diagram of rotational grazing, a method individual farmers can implement. This may reduce herd numbers due to limited space.

Government support of this intersection is used to support change amongst individual farmers. As climate variability increases, the costs associated with promoting climate resilience become larger in comparison. The risk of investing in tolerant breeds, soil management, and proper environmental care can also be daunting to small farmers. Such individuals have reported hesitation to implement suggested practices like reducing herd size to promote soil-healthy grazing. The popularity of climate resilient farming amongst subsistence farmers helps ease the transition to a climate-resilient system. Alongside developing new techniques, farmers can use techniques they already knew, such as no-till farming and cover cropping.[55] Government incentives remain important for helping farmers assume more risk in the uncertain business of agriculture.

文件:Fish farm Amarynthos Euboea Greece.jpg
2016 image of a Greek fish farm. Fish are contained in circular nets where they are raised for consumption.

Similar initiatives are implemented on local scales around the world. In the United States, the state of New York's Department of Agriculture started its Climate Resilient Farming program. This program aims to reduce the impact of climate change on agriculture and mitigate agriculture's impact on climate change. It promotes similar ideas to India's, including water management and the promotion of soil health. The climate-resilient programming also provides funds to help farmers reduce methane and properly store agricultural waste. New York state's focus on reducing greenhouse gas emissions balances developing climate-resilient agriculture and the slowing of climate change. alt=A diagram displaying how rotational grazing works. Grazers are only allowed to feed on one area of land while other sections grow freely. They are intermittently moved to new patches to feed while vegetation on its previous patches recover.|thumb|Diagram of rotational grazing, a method individual farmers can implement. This may reduce herd numbers due to limited space. Government support of this intersection is used to support change amongst individual farmers. As climate variability increases, the costs associated with promoting climate resilience become larger in comparison. The risk of investing in tolerant breeds, soil management, and proper environmental care can also be daunting to small farmers. Such individuals have reported hesitation to implement suggested practices like reducing herd size to promote soil-healthy grazing. The popularity of climate resilient farming amongst subsistence farmers helps ease the transition to a climate-resilient system. Alongside developing new techniques, farmers can use techniques they already knew, such as no-till farming and cover cropping. Government incentives remain important for helping farmers assume more risk in the uncertain business of agriculture. alt=2016 image of a Greek fish farm. Rings of circular nets float in a grid on the water surface. Inside the nets, fish are fed and raised for consumption.|thumb|2016 image of a Greek fish farm. Fish are contained in circular nets where they are raised for consumption.

类似的倡议也在世界各地的地方范围内实施。在美国,纽约州农业部启动了气候适应性农业项目。该方案旨在减少气候变化对农业的影响,减轻农业对气候变化的影响。它倡导与印度类似的理念,包括水资源管理和促进土壤健康。具有气候适应能力的项目还提供资金,帮助农民减少甲烷排放,妥善储存农业废弃物。纽约州对减少温室气体排放的关注,平衡了发展具有气候抗御能力的农业和减缓气候变化。轮牧是如何工作的图表。食草动物只能在一块土地上进食,而其他部分则可以自由生长。它们会间歇性地迁移到新的地块上觅食,同时恢复以前地块上的植被。轮流放牧图表,个体农民可以采用的一种方法。由于空间有限,这可能会减少牛群数量。政府对这个十字路口的支持是用来支持个体农民之间的变化。相比之下,随着气候变异性的增加,与提高气候适应能力相关的成本变得更大。投资于容忍的品种、土壤管理和适当的环境保护的风险也会让小农户望而却步。这些个体报告说,他们在实施建议的做法方面犹豫不决,比如减少畜群规模以促进土壤健康放牧。适应气候变化的农业在自给农民中的普及有助于缓解向适应气候变化的系统的过渡。在开发新技术的同时,农民可以使用他们已经知道的技术,例如免耕耕作和覆盖种植。政府的激励措施对于帮助农民在不确定的农业经营中承担更多风险仍然很重要。2016年希腊渔场图片。圆网环漂浮在水面上,呈网格状。在渔网里,鱼被喂养和饲养以供消费。鱼类被装在圆形网中,在那里养殖以供食用。

Aquaculture

The process of cultivating food in aquatic as well as terrestrial ecosystems is gaining popularity. Aquaculture, or the practice of cultivating seafood, is viewed as naturally more resilient than terrestrial agriculture. Fish stock need less resources, from feed to water, than terrestrial livestock. Aquaculture may also slow the effects of climate change in the ocean. As more carbon dioxide is released into the atmosphere, more dissolves into the ocean, increasing water acidity. Farming of aquatic vegetation, such as seaweed, will remove carbon from water.[56]

The process of cultivating food in aquatic as well as terrestrial ecosystems is gaining popularity. Aquaculture, or the practice of cultivating seafood, is viewed as naturally more resilient than terrestrial agriculture. Fish stock need less resources, from feed to water, than terrestrial livestock. Aquaculture may also slow the effects of climate change in the ocean. As more carbon dioxide is released into the atmosphere, more dissolves into the ocean, increasing water acidity. Farming of aquatic vegetation, such as seaweed, will remove carbon from water.

在水生生态系统和陆地生态系统中培育食物的过程日益流行。水产养殖或培育海产品的做法被视为比陆地农业具有更强的自然适应能力。从饲料到水,鱼类需要的资源比陆地牲畜要少。水产养殖还可以减缓海洋气候变化的影响。随着更多的二氧化碳被释放到大气中,更多的二氧化碳溶解到海洋中,增加了海水的酸性。养殖水生植物,如海藻,可以去除水中的碳。

Global level

Global level

= = 全球水平 = =

International treaties

International treaties

= = 国际条约 = =

At the global level, most action towards climate resilience has been manifested in the signing of international agreements that set up guidelines and frameworks to address the impacts of climate change. Notable examples include the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the 1997 Kyoto Protocol to the UNFCCC, and the 2010 Cancun Agreement.[57] In some cases, as is the case with the Kyoto Protocol for example, these international treaties involve placing legally binding requirements on participant nations to reduce processes that contribute to global warming such as greenhouse gas emissions.[58][59] In other cases, such as the 2010 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancun, proposals for the creation of international funding pools to assist developing nations in combating climate change are seen.[60] However, that enforcement of any of the requirements or principles that are established in such international treaties has ambiguous: for example, although the 2010 Cancun conference called for the creation of a 100 billion dollar “Green Climate Fund” for developing nations, if and how this fund will actually be created still remains unclear.[61]

At the global level, most action towards climate resilience has been manifested in the signing of international agreements that set up guidelines and frameworks to address the impacts of climate change. Notable examples include the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the 1997 Kyoto Protocol to the UNFCCC, and the 2010 Cancun Agreement. Unfccc. 2007. "Climate Change: Impacts, Vulnerabilities and Adaptation in Developing Countries." United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change: 68. http://unfccc.int/resource/docs/publications/impacts.pdf.

In some cases, as is the case with the Kyoto Protocol for example, these international treaties involve placing legally binding requirements on participant nations to reduce processes that contribute to global warming such as greenhouse gas emissions. In other cases, such as the 2010 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancun, proposals for the creation of international funding pools to assist developing nations in combating climate change are seen. However, that enforcement of any of the requirements or principles that are established in such international treaties has ambiguous: for example, although the 2010 Cancun conference called for the creation of a 100 billion dollar “Green Climate Fund” for developing nations, if and how this fund will actually be created still remains unclear.

在全球一级,大多数应对气候变化的行动都体现在签署了国际协定,制定了应对气候变化影响的指导方针和框架。值得注意的例子包括1992年《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)、1997年《 UNFCCC 京都议定书》和2010年《坎昆协议》。《气候公约》。2007.”气候变化: 发展中国家的影响、脆弱性和适应”联合国气候变化框架公约》 : 68. http://unfccc.int/resource/docs/publications/impacts.pdf。在某些情况下,例如《京都议定书》 ,这些国际条约涉及对参与国提出具有法律约束力的要求,以减少导致全球变暖的进程,如温室气体排放。在其他情况下,例如2010年在坎昆举行的联合国气候变化会议,提出了建立国际资金池以协助发展中国家应对气候变化的建议。然而,执行这些国际条约中规定的任何要求或原则都含糊不清: 例如,尽管2010年坎昆会议呼吁为发展中国家设立1000亿美元的”绿色气候基金”,但是,是否以及如何实际设立这一基金仍然不清楚。

Case studies

United States

As it stands today, there is no country-wide legislation with regards to the topic of climate resiliency in the United States. However, in mid February 2014, President Barack Obama announced his plan to propose a $1 billion “Climate Resilience Fund”.[62] The details of exactly what the fund will seek to accomplish are vague since the fund is only in the stage of being proposed for Congress's approval in 2015. However, in the speech given the day of the announcement of this proposal, Obama claimed he will request “...new funding for new technologies to help communities prepare for a changing climate, set up incentives to build smarter, more resilient infrastructure. And finally, my administration will work with tech innovators and launch new challenges under our Climate Data Initiative, focused initially on rising sea levels and their impact on the coasts, but ultimately focused on how all these changes in weather patterns are going to have an impact up and down the United States – not just on the coast but inland as well – and how do we start preparing for that.”[62] Obama's fund incorporates facets of both urban resiliency and human resiliency theories, by necessarily improving communal infrastructure and by focusing on societal preparation to decrease the country's vulnerability to the impacts of climate change.


As it stands today, there is no country-wide legislation with regards to the topic of climate resiliency in the United States. However, in mid February 2014, President Barack Obama announced his plan to propose a $1 billion “Climate Resilience Fund”. The details of exactly what the fund will seek to accomplish are vague since the fund is only in the stage of being proposed for Congress's approval in 2015. However, in the speech given the day of the announcement of this proposal, Obama claimed he will request “...new funding for new technologies to help communities prepare for a changing climate, set up incentives to build smarter, more resilient infrastructure. And finally, my administration will work with tech innovators and launch new challenges under our Climate Data Initiative, focused initially on rising sea levels and their impact on the coasts, but ultimately focused on how all these changes in weather patterns are going to have an impact up and down the United States – not just on the coast but inland as well – and how do we start preparing for that.” Obama's fund incorporates facets of both urban resiliency and human resiliency theories, by necessarily improving communal infrastructure and by focusing on societal preparation to decrease the country's vulnerability to the impacts of climate change.

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =.然而,在2014年2月中旬,奥巴马总统宣布了他的计划,提出一个10亿美元的“气候恢复基金”。由于该基金只是处于2015年提交国会批准的阶段,因此该基金究竟将寻求实现什么目标的细节还很模糊。然而,在宣布这项提议的当天,奥巴马在演讲中声称,他将要求“ ... ... 为新技术提供新的资金,以帮助社区应对气候变化,建立激励机制,建设更智能、更有弹性的基础设施。最后,我的政府将与技术创新者合作,根据我们的气候数据倡议(Climate Data Initiative)发起新的挑战,最初关注的是海平面上升及其对沿海地区的影响,但最终关注的是所有这些天气模式的变化将如何对美国上下产生影响——不仅是沿海地区,还有内陆地区——以及我们如何开始为此做准备。”奥巴马的基金结合了城市复原力和人类复原力理论的各个方面,通过必要的改善公共基础设施,以及关注社会准备,以减少国家对气候变化影响的脆弱性。

Measuring climate resilience

Governments and development agencies are spending increasing amounts of finance to support resilience-building interventions. Resilience measurement can make valuable contributions in guiding resource allocations towards resilience-building. This includes: targeted identification of vulnerability hotspots; better understanding of the drivers of resilience; and tools to infer the impact and effectiveness of resilience-building interventions. In recent years, a large number of resilience measurement tools have emerged, offering ways to track and measure resilience at a range of scales - from individuals and households to communities and nations.[63]

Governments and development agencies are spending increasing amounts of finance to support resilience-building interventions. Resilience measurement can make valuable contributions in guiding resource allocations towards resilience-building. This includes: targeted identification of vulnerability hotspots; better understanding of the drivers of resilience; and tools to infer the impact and effectiveness of resilience-building interventions. In recent years, a large number of resilience measurement tools have emerged, offering ways to track and measure resilience at a range of scales - from individuals and households to communities and nations.

= = 衡量气候复原力 = 各国政府和发展机构正在支出越来越多的资金,以支持复原力建设干预措施。衡量抗灾能力可以为指导资源分配以建设抗灾能力作出宝贵贡献。这包括: 有针对性地确定脆弱性热点; 更好地了解复原力的驱动因素; 以及推断复原力建设干预措施的影响和效力的工具。近年来,出现了大量的复原力衡量工具,提供了从个人和家庭到社区和国家等一系列尺度跟踪和衡量复原力的方法。

Efforts to measure climate resilience currently face a number of technical challenges. Firstly, the definition of resilience is heavily contested, making it difficult to choose appropriate characteristics and indicators to track. Secondly, the resilience or households or communities cannot be measured using a single observable metric. Resilience is made up of a range of processes and characteristics, many of which are intangible and difficult to observe (such as social capital).[64] As a result, many resilience toolkits resort to using large lists of proxy indicators.[65]

Efforts to measure climate resilience currently face a number of technical challenges. Firstly, the definition of resilience is heavily contested, making it difficult to choose appropriate characteristics and indicators to track. Secondly, the resilience or households or communities cannot be measured using a single observable metric. Resilience is made up of a range of processes and characteristics, many of which are intangible and difficult to observe (such as social capital). As a result, many resilience toolkits resort to using large lists of proxy indicators.

衡量气候适应能力的工作目前面临若干技术挑战。首先,弹性的定义存在很大的争议,这使得很难选择合适的特征和指标进行跟踪。其次,复原力或家庭或社区不能用单一可观测的度量标准来衡量。韧性是由一系列过程和特征组成的,其中许多是无形的,难以观察到的(比如社会资本)。因此,许多弹性工具包都采用了大量的代理指标。

Most of the recent initiatives to measure resilience in rural development contexts share two shortcomings: complexity and high cost. A working group of international experts including Conservation International, International Center for Tropical Agriculture, Root Capital, Lutheran World Relief, Sustainable Food Lab, and Catholic Relief Services, convened by the Committee on Sustainability Assessment (COSA), proposed and tested pragmatic, comparable indicators and metrics for farm-level resilience. Primary considerations were to reduce complexity, distilling global best practices from a review of the key literature, and improve accessibility through relatively low-cost approaches to using the metrics, as a public good.引用错误:没有找到与</ref>对应的<ref>标签 USAID incorporates the COSA consortium’s farm-level metrics into its field guide for assessing climate resilience in smallholder supply chains.  [66]

Assessment © COSA 2017.</ref> USAID incorporates the COSA consortium’s farm-level metrics into its field guide for assessing climate resilience in smallholder supply chains.  

评估 COSA 2017。美国国际开发署将 COSA 联盟的农场级指标纳入其评估小农供应链气候适应能力的实地指南。

Range and specificity are important factors in ensuring that a wide variety of resilience areas are covered in the process of assessing and solving resilience needs in small and rural communities. The practical approach means the tools can be applicable across projects of different scales, offering more equal access for smaller initiatives to understand the level and scope of resilience in a community.

Range and specificity are important factors in ensuring that a wide variety of resilience areas are covered in the process of assessing and solving resilience needs in small and rural communities. The practical approach means the tools can be applicable across projects of different scales, offering more equal access for smaller initiatives to understand the level and scope of resilience in a community.

范围和具体性是确保在评估和解决小型和农村社区复原力需求的过程中涵盖各种复原力领域的重要因素。实际做法意味着这些工具可以适用于不同规模的项目,为较小的举措提供更平等的机会,以了解社区复原力的水平和范围。

Resilience measurement tools can be classified into objective and subjective approaches. Distinctions relate to two core traits: how resilience is defined (i.e. who decides what resilience is and the characteristics that make a household resilient); and how it is measured (i.e. is resilience measured by means of external observation or self-assessed judgements).

Resilience measurement tools can be classified into objective and subjective approaches. Distinctions relate to two core traits: how resilience is defined (i.e. who decides what resilience is and the characteristics that make a household resilient); and how it is measured (i.e. is resilience measured by means of external observation or self-assessed judgements).

弹性测量工具可以分为客观方法和主观方法。区分涉及两个核心特征: 如何定义韧性(即:。谁来决定什么是韧性,以及使家庭具有韧性的特征) ,以及如何衡量韧性(即。通过外部观察或自我评估的判断来衡量弹性)。

Objective approaches to resilience measurement are those reliant on judgements and observations external to those being measured. They use expert judgement to decide on how resilience is defined, and rely on external observation to collect relevant information and data. Most objective approaches use fixed and transparent definitions of resilience, and allow for different groups of people to be compared through standardised metrics. However, as many resilience processes and capacities are intangible, objective approaches are heavily reliant on crude proxies. Examples of commonly used objective measures include the Resilience Index Measurement and Analysis (RIMA) and the Livelihoods Change Over Time (LCOT).[67][65]

Objective approaches to resilience measurement are those reliant on judgements and observations external to those being measured. They use expert judgement to decide on how resilience is defined, and rely on external observation to collect relevant information and data. Most objective approaches use fixed and transparent definitions of resilience, and allow for different groups of people to be compared through standardised metrics. However, as many resilience processes and capacities are intangible, objective approaches are heavily reliant on crude proxies. Examples of commonly used objective measures include the Resilience Index Measurement and Analysis (RIMA) and the Livelihoods Change Over Time (LCOT).

复原力测量的客观方法是那些依赖于被测量者之外的判断和观察的方法。他们使用专家判断来决定如何界定韧性,并依靠外部观察来收集相关信息和数据。大多数客观的方法使用固定和透明的弹性定义,并允许不同的人群通过标准化的衡量标准进行比较。然而,由于许多复原过程和能力都是无形的,客观方法严重依赖于原始代理。常用的客观测量包括复原力指数测量和分析(RIMA)和生计随时间的变化(LCOT)。

Subjective approaches to resilience measurement take a contrasting view. They assume that people have a valid understanding of their own resilience and seek to factor perceptions into the measurement process.[64] They challenge the notion that experts are best placed to evaluate other people's lives. Subjective approaches use people’s own judgement of what constitutes resilience and allows them to self-evaluate accordingly. Examples include the Subjectively-Evaluated Resilience Score (SERS)[68] and a handful of others used in the academic literature.[69][70][71]

Subjective approaches to resilience measurement take a contrasting view. They assume that people have a valid understanding of their own resilience and seek to factor perceptions into the measurement process. They challenge the notion that experts are best placed to evaluate other people's lives. Subjective approaches use people’s own judgement of what constitutes resilience and allows them to self-evaluate accordingly. Examples include the Subjectively-Evaluated Resilience Score (SERS) and a handful of others used in the academic literature.

主观方法对弹性测量采取了相反的观点。他们假设人们对自己的弹性有一个有效的理解,并且在测量过程中寻求把感知因素考虑进去。他们挑战了专家最适合评估他人生活的观念。主观方法使用人们自己对于什么是韧性的判断,并允许他们相应地进行自我评估。例子包括主观评估的弹性评分(SERS)和学术文献中使用的一些其他评分。

See also

  • Climate-smart agriculture
  • Ecological resilience
  • Resilience in the built environment

= = =

  • 气候智能型农业
  • 生态弹性
  • 建成环境的弹性

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Category:Ecology terminology Category:Environmental impact of agriculture Category:Environmental justice Category:Climate change mitigation

类别: 生态学术语类别: 农业对环境的影响类别: 环境正义类别: 减缓气候变化


This page was moved from wikipedia:en:Climate resilience. Its edit history can be viewed at 气候适应力/edithistory