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添加40字节 、 2020年7月30日 (四) 11:38
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==Research background==
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== Research background 研究背景 ==
    
[[Primatologist]]s have noted that, due to their highly social nature, [[primate]]s must maintain personal contact with the other members of their social group, usually through [[social grooming]]. Such social groups function as protective [[clique]]s within the physical groups in which the primates live. The number of social group members a primate can track appears to be limited by the volume of the neocortex.  This suggests that there is a species-specific index of the social group size, computable from the species' mean neocortical volume.{{citation needed|date=May 2018}}
 
[[Primatologist]]s have noted that, due to their highly social nature, [[primate]]s must maintain personal contact with the other members of their social group, usually through [[social grooming]]. Such social groups function as protective [[clique]]s within the physical groups in which the primates live. The number of social group members a primate can track appears to be limited by the volume of the neocortex.  This suggests that there is a species-specific index of the social group size, computable from the species' mean neocortical volume.{{citation needed|date=May 2018}}
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Primatologists have noted that, due to their highly social nature, primates must maintain personal contact with the other members of their social group, usually through social grooming. Such social groups function as protective cliques within the physical groups in which the primates live. The number of social group members a primate can track appears to be limited by the volume of the neocortex.  This suggests that there is a species-specific index of the social group size, computable from the species' mean neocortical volume.
 
Primatologists have noted that, due to their highly social nature, primates must maintain personal contact with the other members of their social group, usually through social grooming. Such social groups function as protective cliques within the physical groups in which the primates live. The number of social group members a primate can track appears to be limited by the volume of the neocortex.  This suggests that there is a species-specific index of the social group size, computable from the species' mean neocortical volume.
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灵长类动物学家已经注意到,由于灵长类动物具有高度的社会性,它们必须与其社会群体的其他成员保持个人联系,通常是通过社会梳理。这种社会群体在灵长类动物生活的物理群体中起着保护性小团体的作用。灵长类动物可以追踪的社会群体成员的数量似乎受到大脑新皮层体积的限制。这表明社会群体大小有一个物种特有的指数,可以从物种的平均新皮质体积计算出来。
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灵长类动物学家指出,由于灵长类动物具有高度的社会性,它们必须通过社交整饰来保持与社交团体其他成员的个人关系。由此形成的社会群体可以看作是具有防卫集团的作用,灵长类动物就生存在这样的防卫集团中。灵长类动物可以追踪到的社交团体成员的数量似乎受到新皮层体积的限制。这表明,有一个特定的社会群体规模指数,可以根据该物种的平均新皮层体积进行计算。
 
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In 1992, Dunbar used the correlation observed for non-human primates to predict a social group size for humans.  Using a regression equation on data for 38 primate genera, Dunbar predicted a human "mean group size" of 148 (casually rounded to 150), a result he considered exploratory due to the large error measure (a 95% confidence interval of 100 to 230).
 
In 1992, Dunbar used the correlation observed for non-human primates to predict a social group size for humans.  Using a regression equation on data for 38 primate genera, Dunbar predicted a human "mean group size" of 148 (casually rounded to 150), a result he considered exploratory due to the large error measure (a 95% confidence interval of 100 to 230).
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1992年,邓巴利用观察到的非人灵长类动物的相关性来预测人类的社会群体大小。利用38个灵长类动物属的数据回归方程,邓巴预测人类的“平均群体大小”为148(随意舍入到150) ,由于误差很大(95% 的置信区间为100到230) ,他认为这个结果是可探索的。
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1992年,邓巴利用观察到的非人灵长类动物的相关数据来预测人类的社会群体大小。利用38个灵长类属的数据回归方程,邓巴预测人类的“平均群体大小”为148(通常四舍五入到150) ,由于误差很大(95% 的置信区间为100到230),他认为这个结果是可探索的。
 
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Dunbar then compared this prediction with observable group sizes for humans.  Beginning with the assumption that the current mean size of the human neocortex had developed about 250,000 years ago, during the Pleistocene, Dunbar searched the anthropological and ethnographical literature for census-like group size information for various hunter–gatherer societies, the closest existing approximations to how anthropology reconstructs the Pleistocene societies. Dunbar noted that the groups fell into three categories—small, medium and large, equivalent to bands, cultural lineage groups and tribes—with respective size ranges of 30–50, 100–200 and 500–2500 members each.
 
Dunbar then compared this prediction with observable group sizes for humans.  Beginning with the assumption that the current mean size of the human neocortex had developed about 250,000 years ago, during the Pleistocene, Dunbar searched the anthropological and ethnographical literature for census-like group size information for various hunter–gatherer societies, the closest existing approximations to how anthropology reconstructs the Pleistocene societies. Dunbar noted that the groups fell into three categories—small, medium and large, equivalent to bands, cultural lineage groups and tribes—with respective size ranges of 30–50, 100–200 and 500–2500 members each.
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邓巴随后将这一预测与可观察到的人类群体大小进行了比较。从假设人类新大脑皮层目前的平均大小大约在25万年前更新世时期发展起来开始,邓巴在人类学和民族志文献中搜索各种狩猎采集社会的类似人口普查的群体大小信息,这是现存最接近人类学如何重建更新世社会的方式。邓巴指出,这些族群分为三类,即小型、中型和大型,相当于族群、文化宗族和部落,各自的人数范围分别为30-50人、100-200人和500-2500人。
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邓巴随后将这一预测与可观察到的人类群体大小进行了比较。首先假设人类新大脑皮层的平均大小是在大约25万年前的更新世时期形成的,邓巴在人类学和人种学文献中搜索了各种与狩猎采集社会类似的人口普查的群体规模信息,这是现存最接近人类学如何重建更新世社会的方式。邓巴指出,这些族群分为三类,即小型、中型和大型,相当于族群、文化宗族和部落,各自的人数范围分别为30-50人、100-200人和500-2500人。
 
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Dunbar's surveys of village and tribe sizes also appeared to approximate this predicted value, including 150 as the estimated size of a Neolithic farming village; 150 as the splitting point of Hutterite settlements; 200 as the upper bound on the number of academics in a discipline's sub-specialisation; 150 as the basic unit size of professional armies in Roman antiquity and in modern times since the 16th century; and notions of appropriate company size.
 
Dunbar's surveys of village and tribe sizes also appeared to approximate this predicted value, including 150 as the estimated size of a Neolithic farming village; 150 as the splitting point of Hutterite settlements; 200 as the upper bound on the number of academics in a discipline's sub-specialisation; 150 as the basic unit size of professional armies in Roman antiquity and in modern times since the 16th century; and notions of appropriate company size.
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邓巴对村庄和部落规模的调查似乎也接近这一预测值,包括150作为一个新石器时代农村的估计规模; 150作为哈特人定居点的分裂点; 200作为一个学科的亚专业化学者人数的上限; 150作为罗马古代和16世纪以来现代职业军队的基本单位规模; 以及适当的连队规模的概念。
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邓巴对村庄和部落规模的调查似乎也接近于这个预测值,其中包括新石器时代农庄的估计规模150人;哈特人定居点的分裂点150人;作为一个学科的亚专业学者人数的上限200人;自16世纪以来,在罗马古代和现代,专业部队的基本部队人数也均为150;同时这个数字差不多也是一个得体公司的规模。
 
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Dunbar has argued that 150 would be the mean group size only for communities with a very high incentive to remain together. For a group of this size to remain cohesive, Dunbar speculated that as much as 42% of the group's time would have to be devoted to social grooming. Correspondingly, only groups under intense survival pressure, such as subsistence villages, nomadic tribes, and historical military groupings, have, on average, achieved the 150-member mark. Moreover, Dunbar noted that such groups are almost always physically close: "[...] we might expect the upper limit on group size to depend on the degree of social dispersal. In dispersed societies, individuals will meet less often and will thus be less familiar with each other, so group sizes should be smaller in consequence." Thus, the 150-member group would occur only because of absolute necessity—due to intense environmental and economic pressures.
 
Dunbar has argued that 150 would be the mean group size only for communities with a very high incentive to remain together. For a group of this size to remain cohesive, Dunbar speculated that as much as 42% of the group's time would have to be devoted to social grooming. Correspondingly, only groups under intense survival pressure, such as subsistence villages, nomadic tribes, and historical military groupings, have, on average, achieved the 150-member mark. Moreover, Dunbar noted that such groups are almost always physically close: "[...] we might expect the upper limit on group size to depend on the degree of social dispersal. In dispersed societies, individuals will meet less often and will thus be less familiar with each other, so group sizes should be smaller in consequence." Thus, the 150-member group would occur only because of absolute necessity—due to intense environmental and economic pressures.
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邓巴认为,150人只是那些有很高动机团结在一起的社区的平均群体规模。邓巴推测,为了让这么大的一群人保持凝聚力,这个群体需要花费多达42% 的时间在社交仪容上。相应地,只有生存压力很大的群体,如自给村、游牧部落和历史军事集团,平均才能达到150人的标准。此外,邓巴指出,这样的群体几乎总是物理上接近: “[ ... ... ]我们可能期望群体规模的上限取决于社会分散的程度。在分散的社会中,个人见面的次数会减少,因此彼此之间的熟悉程度也会降低,因此群体规模也应该缩小。”因此,只有在绝对必要的情况下,才会出现150个成员国的集团,这是由于强大的环境和经济压力。
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邓巴认为,只有在机动性特别高以维持团结的社区中,平均群体规模为150人。为了使如此规模的团队保持凝聚力,邓巴推测,该团队多达42%的时间必须用于社交整饰。相应地,只有生存压力很大的团体,例如自给自足的村庄,游牧部落和历史军事团体,平均才能达到150人的标准。此外,邓巴指出,这样的群体几乎总是物理上接近:“我们可能期望群体规模的上限取决于社会分散程度。在分散的社会中,个人见面的频率会降低,因此彼此之间的熟悉程度也会降低,因此群体规模也应该缩小。”因此,由150名成员组成的团体之所以会出现,是因为绝对的必要性-由于强烈的环境和经济压力。
 
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Dunbar, in Grooming, Gossip, and the Evolution of Language, proposes furthermore that language may have arisen as a "cheap" means of social grooming, allowing early humans to maintain social cohesion efficiently. Without language, Dunbar speculates, humans would have to expend nearly half their time on social grooming, which would have made productive, cooperative effort nearly impossible. Language may have allowed societies to remain cohesive, while reducing the need for physical and social intimacy. This result is confirmed by the mathematical formulation of the social brain hypothesis, that showed that it is unlikely that increased brain size would have led to large groups without the kind of complex communication that only language allows.
 
Dunbar, in Grooming, Gossip, and the Evolution of Language, proposes furthermore that language may have arisen as a "cheap" means of social grooming, allowing early humans to maintain social cohesion efficiently. Without language, Dunbar speculates, humans would have to expend nearly half their time on social grooming, which would have made productive, cooperative effort nearly impossible. Language may have allowed societies to remain cohesive, while reducing the need for physical and social intimacy. This result is confirmed by the mathematical formulation of the social brain hypothesis, that showed that it is unlikely that increased brain size would have led to large groups without the kind of complex communication that only language allows.
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在 Grooming 的《闲话与语言的进化》一书中,邓巴进一步提出,语言可能已经作为一种“廉价”的社会梳理手段兴起,使早期人类能够有效地维持社会凝聚力。邓巴推测,如果没有语言,人类将不得不花费将近一半的时间在社交梳理上,这将使富有成效的合作努力几乎成为不可能。语言可能使社会保持凝聚力,同时减少身体和社会亲密度的需要。这个结果被社会性大脑假说的数学公式所证实,这表明,如果没有语言所允许的那种复杂的交流,大脑体积的增加不太可能导致大型群体的形成。
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邓巴在《修辞,蜚语及语言进化》一书中进一步提出,语言可能作为社交修饰的“廉价”手段而出现,从而使早期人类能够有效地保持社交凝聚力。邓巴推测,如果没有语言,人类将不得不花费近一半的时间进行社交整饰,这将使富有成效的合作努力几乎成为不可能。语言可以使社会保持凝聚力,同时减少对身体和社会亲密感的需求。社会大脑假说的数学表述证实了这一结果,该理论表明,如果没有语言所允许的那种复杂交流,仅增加大脑的尺寸不可能导致庞大的群体的形成。
 
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