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The expression collective behavior was first used by Franklin Henry  and employed later by Robert E. , Herbert , Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian (1957), and Neil  to refer to social processes and events which do not reflect existing social structure (laws, conventions, and institutions), but which emerge in a "spontaneous" way. Use of the term has been expanded to include reference to cells, social animals like birds and fish, and insects including ants . Collective behavior takes many forms but generally violates societal norms (; ). Collective behavior can be tremendously destructive, as with riots or mob violence, silly, as with fads, or anywhere in between. Collective behavior is always driven by group dynamics, encouraging people to engage in acts they might consider unthinkable under typical social circumstances .

The expression collective behavior was first used by Franklin Henry  and employed later by Robert E. , Herbert , Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian (1957), and Neil  to refer to social processes and events which do not reflect existing social structure (laws, conventions, and institutions), but which emerge in a "spontaneous" way. Use of the term has been expanded to include reference to cells, social animals like birds and fish, and insects including ants . Collective behavior takes many forms but generally violates societal norms (; ). Collective behavior can be tremendously destructive, as with riots or mob violence, silly, as with fads, or anywhere in between. Collective behavior is always driven by group dynamics, encouraging people to engage in acts they might consider unthinkable under typical social circumstances .

集体行为这个词最早由富兰克林 · 亨利使用，后来被罗伯特 · e、赫伯特、拉尔夫 · 特纳和刘易斯 · 基利安(1957)和尼尔用来指代不反映现有社会结构(法律、惯例和制度)但以“自发”方式出现的社会过程和事件。这个术语的使用已经扩大到包括细胞，群居动物如鸟类和鱼类，以及昆虫包括蚂蚁。集体行为有多种形式，但一般都违反社会规范。集体行为具有巨大的破坏性，如暴乱或暴徒暴力，愚蠢，如时尚，或介于两者之间的任何地方。集体行为总是受到群体动力的驱动，鼓励人们从事他们认为在典型社会环境下不可想象的行为。

集体行为这个词最早由富兰克林 · 亨利使用，后来被罗伯特 · e、赫伯特、拉尔夫 · 特纳和刘易斯 · 基利安(1957)和尼尔用来指代不反映现有社会结构(法律、惯例和制度)但以“自发”方式出现的社会过程和事件。这个术语的使用已经扩大到包括细胞，群居动物如鸟类和鱼类，以及昆虫包括蚂蚁。集体行为有多种形式，但通常违反社会规范(;)。集体行为具有巨大的破坏性，比如暴动或暴民暴力，愚蠢的，比如时尚，或者介于两者之间的任何地方。集体行为总是受到群体动力的驱动，鼓励人们从事他们认为在典型社会环境下不可想象的行为。

Turner and Killian (1957) were the first sociologists to back their theoretical propositions with visual evidence in the form of photographs and motion pictures of collective behavior in action. Prior to that sociologists relied heavily upon eyewitness accounts, which turned out to be far less reliable than one would hope.

Turner and Killian (1957) were the first sociologists to back their theoretical propositions with visual evidence in the form of photographs and motion pictures of collective behavior in action. Prior to that sociologists relied heavily upon eyewitness accounts, which turned out to be far less reliable than one would hope.

特纳和基利安(1957年)是第一个社会学家用视觉证据的形式，即照片和集体行为的动作图片来支持他们的理论主张。在此之前，社会学家主要依赖于目击者的描述，而事实证明这些描述远不如人们所希望的那样可靠。

特纳和基利安(1957年)是第一个社会学家支持他们的理论主张的视觉证据形式的照片和动作图片的集体行为的行动。在此之前，社会学家严重依赖于目击者的描述，而事实证明这些描述远不如人们所希望的那样可靠。

Turner and Killian's approach is based largely upon the arguments of Blumer, who argued that social "forces" are not really forces. The actor is active:  He creates an interpretation of the acts of others, and acts on the basis of this interpretation.

Turner and Killian's approach is based largely upon the arguments of Blumer, who argued that social "forces" are not really forces. The actor is active:  He creates an interpretation of the acts of others, and acts on the basis of this interpretation.

特纳和基利安的方法很大程度上是基于布鲁默的论点，他认为社会“力量”并不是真正的力量。行为者是积极的: 他创造了一种对他人行为的解释，并且在这种解释的基础上行动。

特纳和基利安的方法在很大程度上是基于布鲁默的论点，他认为社会“力量”不是真正的力量。行为者是积极的: 他创造了一种对他人行为的解释，并且在这种解释的基础上行动。

Here are some instances of collective behavior: the Los Angeles riot of 1992, the hula-hoop fad of 1958, the stock market crashes of 1929, and the "phantom gasser" episodes in Virginia in 1933–34 and Mattoon, IL in 1944 (; ).  The claim that such diverse episodes all belong to a single field of inquiry is a theoretical assertion, and not all sociologists would agree with it.  But Blumer and Neil Smelser did agree, as did others, indicating that the formulation has satisfied some leading sociological thinkers.

Here are some instances of collective behavior: the Los Angeles riot of 1992, the hula-hoop fad of 1958, the stock market crashes of 1929, and the "phantom gasser" episodes in Virginia in 1933–34 and Mattoon, IL in 1944 (; ).  The claim that such diverse episodes all belong to a single field of inquiry is a theoretical assertion, and not all sociologists would agree with it.  But Blumer and Neil Smelser did agree, as did others, indicating that the formulation has satisfied some leading sociological thinkers.

以下是一些集体行为的例子: 1992年的洛杉矶骚乱，1958年的呼啦圈风潮，1929年的股市崩盘，以及1933-34年弗吉尼亚州和1944年伊利诺伊州马顿的“幽灵气球”事件(;)。这种认为这些不同的事件都属于一个研究领域的说法是一种理论断言，并非所有的社会学家都会同意这种观点。但是布卢默和尼尔 · 斯梅尔泽和其他人都同意这个观点，这表明这个公式已经让一些社会学的主要思想家感到满意。

以下是一些集体行为的例子: 1992年的洛杉矶骚乱，1958年的呼啦圈风潮，1929年的股市崩盘，以及1933-34年弗吉尼亚州和1944年伊利诺伊州马顿的“幽灵气球”事件(;)。声称如此多样的事件都属于一个单一的研究领域是一个理论断言，并不是所有的社会学家都会同意它。但是布卢默和尼尔 · 斯梅尔泽和其他人都同意这个观点，这表明这个公式已经让一些社会学的主要思想家感到满意。

Although there are several other schema that may be used to classify forms of collective behavior the following four categories from  are generally considered useful by most sociologists.

Although there are several other schema that may be used to classify forms of collective behavior the following four categories from  are generally considered useful by most sociologists.

Scholars differ about what classes of social events fall under the rubric of collective behavior.  In fact, the only class of events which all authors include is crowds.  Clark McPhail is one of those who treats crowds and collective behavior as synonyms.  Although some consider McPhail's work  overly simplistic , his important contribution is to have gone beyond the speculations of others to carry out pioneering empirical studies of crowds.  He finds them to form an elaborate set of types.

Scholars differ about what classes of social events fall under the rubric of collective behavior.  In fact, the only class of events which all authors include is crowds.  Clark McPhail is one of those who treats crowds and collective behavior as synonyms.  Although some consider McPhail's work  overly simplistic , his important contribution is to have gone beyond the speculations of others to carry out pioneering empirical studies of crowds.  He finds them to form an elaborate set of types.

学者们对于什么类型的社会事件属于集体行为的范畴存在分歧。事实上，所有作者包含的唯一类别的事件就是人群。克拉克 · 麦克菲尔是把群体和集体行为当作同义词的人之一。尽管有些人认为麦克菲尔的工作过于简单化，但他的重要贡献是超越了其他人的猜测，开展了对群体的开创性实证研究。他发现它们构成了一套精致的字体。

学者们对于什么类型的社会事件属于集体行为的范畴存在分歧。事实上，所有作者包含的唯一一类事件就是人群。克拉克 · 麦克菲尔是把群体和集体行为当作同义词的人之一。尽管有些人认为麦克菲尔的工作过于简单化，但他的重要贡献是超越了其他人的猜测，开展了对群体的开创性实证研究。他发现它们构成了一套精致的字体。

The classic treatment of crowds is Gustave LeBon, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind , in which the author interpreted the crowds of the French Revolution as irrational reversions to animal emotion, and inferred from this that such reversion is characteristic of crowds in general.  LeBon believed that crowds somehow induced people to lose their ability to think rationally and to somehow recover this ability once they had left the crowd. He speculated, but could not explain how this might occur.  Freud expressed a similar view in Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1922).  Such authors have thought that their ideas were confirmed by various kinds of crowds, one of these being the economic bubble.  In Holland, during the tulip mania (1637), the prices of tulip bulbs rose to astronomical heights.  An array of such crazes and other historical oddities is narrated in Charles MacKay's Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds .

The classic treatment of crowds is Gustave LeBon, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind , in which the author interpreted the crowds of the French Revolution as irrational reversions to animal emotion, and inferred from this that such reversion is characteristic of crowds in general.  LeBon believed that crowds somehow induced people to lose their ability to think rationally and to somehow recover this ability once they had left the crowd. He speculated, but could not explain how this might occur.  Freud expressed a similar view in Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1922).  Such authors have thought that their ideas were confirmed by various kinds of crowds, one of these being the economic bubble.  In Holland, during the tulip mania (1637), the prices of tulip bulbs rose to astronomical heights.  An array of such crazes and other historical oddities is narrated in Charles MacKay's Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds .

古斯塔夫 · 勒邦在《群体: 大众心理的研究》一书中对群体的经典处理，作者将法国大革命时期的群体解释为对动物情感的非理性回归，并从中推断出这种回归是群体的普遍特征。相信人群在某种程度上会导致人们失去理性思考的能力，并且一旦他们离开人群就会恢复这种能力。他推测，但无法解释这是如何发生的。弗洛伊德在《群体心理学》和《自我分析》(1922)中表达了类似的观点。这些作者认为，他们的观点得到了各种群体的证实，其中之一就是经济泡沫。在荷兰，在郁金香狂热(1637年)期间，郁金香球茎的价格上升到了天文数字的高度。在查尔斯 · 麦凯的《非同寻常的大众幻觉》和《群众的疯狂》中，叙述了一系列这样的疯狂和其他历史奇闻异事。

古斯塔夫 · 勒邦在《群体: 大众心理的研究》一书中对群体的经典处理，作者将法国大革命时期的群体解释为对动物情感的非理性回归，并从中推断出这种回归是群体的普遍特征。相信人群在某种程度上会导致人们失去理性思考的能力，并且一旦他们离开人群，就会以某种方式恢复这种能力。他推测，但无法解释这是如何发生的。弗洛伊德在《群体心理学》和《自我分析》(1922)中表达了类似的观点。这些作者认为，他们的观点得到了各种群体的证实，其中之一就是经济泡沫。在荷兰，在郁金香狂热(1637年)期间，郁金香球茎的价格上升到了天文数字的高度。在查尔斯 · 麦凯的《非同寻常的大众幻想和群众的疯狂》一书中，叙述了一系列这样的疯狂和其他历史奇闻异事。

At the University of Chicago, Robert Park and Herbert Blumer agreed with the speculations of LeBon and other that crowds are indeed emotional.  But to them a crowd is capable of any emotion, not only the negative ones of anger and fear.

At the University of Chicago, Robert Park and Herbert Blumer agreed with the speculations of LeBon and other that crowds are indeed emotional.  But to them a crowd is capable of any emotion, not only the negative ones of anger and fear.

在芝加哥大学，罗伯特 · 帕克和赫伯特 · 布鲁默同意勒本和其他人的推测，即群体确实是情绪化的。但是对他们来说，人群可以产生任何情绪，不仅仅是愤怒和恐惧这些消极的情绪。

在芝加哥大学，罗伯特 · 帕克和赫伯特 · 布鲁默同意勒本和其他人的推测，即人群确实是情绪化的。但是对他们来说，人群可以有任何情绪，不仅仅是愤怒和恐惧的消极情绪。

A number of authors modify the common-sense notion of the crowd to include episodes during which the participants are not assembled in one place but are dispersed over a large area.  Turner and Killian refer to such episodes as diffuse crowds, examples being Billy Graham's revivals, panics about sexual perils, witch hunts and Red scares.  Their expanded definition of the crowd is justified if propositions which hold true among compact crowds do so for diffuse crowds as well.

A number of authors modify the common-sense notion of the crowd to include episodes during which the participants are not assembled in one place but are dispersed over a large area.  Turner and Killian refer to such episodes as diffuse crowds, examples being Billy Graham's revivals, panics about sexual perils, witch hunts and Red scares.  Their expanded definition of the crowd is justified if propositions which hold true among compact crowds do so for diffuse crowds as well.

一些作者修改了人群的常识概念，将参与者不是聚集在一个地方，而是分散在一个大区域的片段包括在内。特纳和基利安把这些情节称为分散的群体，例如比利 · 格雷厄姆的复兴，关于性危险的恐慌，政治迫害和红色恐慌。他们扩大的定义的群体是合理的，如果命题中持有真实的紧凑群体这样做，以及扩散的群体。

一些作者修改了人群的常识概念，将参与者不是聚集在一个地方，而是分散在一个很大的区域的片段包括在内。特纳和基利安把这些情节称为分散的群体，比如比利 · 格雷厄姆的复兴，关于性危机的恐慌，政治迫害和红色恐慌。他们的扩大定义的群体是合理的，如果命题中持有真实的紧凑群体这样做，以及扩散的群体。