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添加49字节 、 2021年1月31日 (日) 01:49
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在1871年出版的《人类的由来》中,达尔文在第一段讨论道:
 
在1871年出版的《人类的由来》中,达尔文在第一段讨论道:
“多年来,我收集了很多关于人类的起源或由来的笔记,我无意对此主题进行发布,更确切地说是我决定不发表,因为我认为这是个人的主见,是我应该由此对自己的观点产生偏见,而非大众。在我的《物种起源》第一版中,足以表明通过这项工作,‘将对人类的起源及其历史产生新的领悟。’这意味着,在尊重人类在地球上所有的表现行为前提下,我们必须将其与任何有机物统一在一起。”在1874年第二版的序言中,达尔文增加了对第二点的阐述:“一些批评家说过,当我发现无法通过自然选择来解释人的许多结构细节时,我发明了性选择。但是,我在第一版的《物种起源》中就对这一原则给出了可以相当清晰的草图,我在那里就指出过它也适用于人类。”
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“多年来,我收集了很多关于人类的起源或由来的笔记,我无意对此主题进行发布,更确切地说是我决定不发表,因为我认为这仅是个人观点,是我应由此对自己的观点产生质疑,而非大众。在我《物种起源》首版中,足以表明通过这项工作,‘将对人类的起源及其历史产生新的领悟。’这意味着,在尊重人类在地球上所有的表现行为前提下,我们必须将其与任何有机物统一在一起。”在1874年第二版的序言中,达尔文增加了对第二点的阐述:“一些批评家说过,当我发现无法通过自然选择来解释人的许多结构细节时,我发明了性选择。但是,我在第一版的《物种起源》中就对这一原则给出了可以相当清晰的草图,我在那里就指出过它也适用于人类。”
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See, for example, WILLA volume 4, Charlotte Perkins Gilman and the Feminization of Education by Deborah M. De Simone: "Gilman shared many basic educational ideas with the generation of thinkers who matured during the period of "intellectual chaos" caused by Darwin's Origin of the Species. Marked by the belief that individuals can direct human and social evolution, many progressives came to view education as the panacea for advancing social progress and for solving such problems as urbanisation, poverty, or immigration."
 
See, for example, WILLA volume 4, Charlotte Perkins Gilman and the Feminization of Education by Deborah M. De Simone: "Gilman shared many basic educational ideas with the generation of thinkers who matured during the period of "intellectual chaos" caused by Darwin's Origin of the Species. Marked by the belief that individuals can direct human and social evolution, many progressives came to view education as the panacea for advancing social progress and for solving such problems as urbanisation, poverty, or immigration."
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例如,参见夏洛特·珀金斯·吉尔曼Charlotte Perkins Gilman的WILLA第4卷,和黛博拉·德·西蒙妮Deborah M. De Simone的《教育女性化Feminization of Education》:“在由达尔文的《物种起源》引起的“智力混乱”时期。吉尔曼与一代成熟的思想家均分享了许多基本的教育思想。在相信个人可以指导人类和社会发展的信念的前提下,许多进步主义者开始将教育视为促进社会发展和解决诸如城市化,贫困或移民等问题的灵丹妙药。”
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例如,可参见夏洛特·珀金斯·吉尔曼Charlotte Perkins Gilman的WILLA第4卷,和黛博拉·德·西蒙妮Deborah M. De Simone的《教育女性化Feminization of Education》:“在由达尔文的《物种起源》引起的“智力混乱”时期,吉尔曼与一代成熟的思想家均分享了许多基本的教育思想。在相信个人可以指导人类和社会发展的信念的前提下,许多进步主义者开始将教育视为促进社会发展和解决诸如城市化、贫困或移民等问题的灵丹妙药。”
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See, for example, the song "A lady fair of lineage high" from Gilbert and Sullivan's Princess Ida, which describes the descent of man (but not woman!) from apes.
 
See, for example, the song "A lady fair of lineage high" from Gilbert and Sullivan's Princess Ida, which describes the descent of man (but not woman!) from apes.
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另一个例子,请参见吉尔伯特Gilbert和沙利文Sullivan的歌剧《公主艾达Princess Ida》所演唱的歌曲“血统高贵的淑女”,它描述了猿猴中男人(而不是女人!)的血统。
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另一个例子,请参见吉尔伯特Gilbert和沙利文Sullivan的歌剧《公主艾达Princess Ida》的歌曲“血统高贵的淑女”,它描述了男人(而非女人!)身上的猿猴血统。
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Darwin's belief that black people had the same essential humanity as Europeans, and had many mental similarities, was reinforced by the lessons he had from John Edmonstone in 1826.[28] Early in the Beagle voyage, Darwin nearly lost his position on the ship when he criticised FitzRoy's defence and praise of slavery. (Darwin 1958, p. 74) He wrote home about "how steadily the general feeling, as shown at elections, has been rising against Slavery. What a proud thing for England if she is the first European nation which utterly abolishes it! I was told before leaving England that after living in slave countries all my opinions would be altered; the only alteration I am aware of is forming a much higher estimate of the negro character." (Darwin 1887, p. 246) Regarding Fuegians, he "could not have believed how wide was the difference between savage and civilized man: it is greater than between a wild and domesticated animal, inasmuch as in man there is a greater power of improvement", but he knew and liked civilised Fuegians like Jemmy Button: "It seems yet wonderful to me, when I think over all his many good qualities, that he should have been of the same race, and doubtless partaken of the same character, with the miserable, degraded savages whom we first met here."(Darwin 1845, pp. 205, 207–208)
 
Darwin's belief that black people had the same essential humanity as Europeans, and had many mental similarities, was reinforced by the lessons he had from John Edmonstone in 1826.[28] Early in the Beagle voyage, Darwin nearly lost his position on the ship when he criticised FitzRoy's defence and praise of slavery. (Darwin 1958, p. 74) He wrote home about "how steadily the general feeling, as shown at elections, has been rising against Slavery. What a proud thing for England if she is the first European nation which utterly abolishes it! I was told before leaving England that after living in slave countries all my opinions would be altered; the only alteration I am aware of is forming a much higher estimate of the negro character." (Darwin 1887, p. 246) Regarding Fuegians, he "could not have believed how wide was the difference between savage and civilized man: it is greater than between a wild and domesticated animal, inasmuch as in man there is a greater power of improvement", but he knew and liked civilised Fuegians like Jemmy Button: "It seems yet wonderful to me, when I think over all his many good qualities, that he should have been of the same race, and doubtless partaken of the same character, with the miserable, degraded savages whom we first met here."(Darwin 1845, pp. 205, 207–208)
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1826年,约翰·埃德蒙斯顿(John Edmonstone)从达尔文那里汲取了教训,他进一步证实了达尔文关于黑人与欧洲人具有基本的人性并在精神上有许多相似之处的信念。在猎犬号航行的早期,达尔文因为批评费兹罗伊的辩护和对奴隶制的称赞时,几乎失去了在船上的位置。(达尔文1958年,第74页)他在书中写道:“选举中人们所表现出对奴隶制的看法都如此的理所当然。如果英国是第一个完全废除它的欧洲国家,那对英国来说是一件多么骄傲的事!离开英格兰之前,我被告知,在奴隶制国家生活之后,他们相信我所有的观点都会被改变;然而我知道,唯一的变化可能是对黑人特征总结出更高的评价。”(Darwin 1887,p。246)就说火地岛人,他“无法相信野蛮人和文明人之间的区别有多大:会是大于野生动物和驯养动物之间的距离,因为人类具有更大的改良能力”,但他认识并喜欢杰米·巴顿这样的火地岛人:“当我想起他的许多优良品质时,对我来说似乎很美妙,他应该属于我们同一种族,毫无疑问我们拥有同样的性格属性,而我们在这里初次见到他时却是悲惨而堕落的野蛮人。” (Darwin1845年,第205、207-208页)
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1826年,约翰·埃德蒙斯顿(John Edmonstone)从达尔文那里汲取了教训,他进一步证实了达尔文关于黑人与欧洲人具有基本的人性并在精神上有许多相似之处的信念。在猎犬号航行的早期,达尔文因为批评费兹罗伊的争辩和其对奴隶制的称赞,差点失去了在船上的位置。(达尔文1958年,第74页)他在书中写道:“选举中人们所表现出对奴隶制的看法都如此的理所当然。如果英国是第一个完全废除它的欧洲国家,那对英国来说是一件多么骄傲的事!离开英格兰之前,他们对我说,在经历过奴隶制国家生活之后,他们相信我所有的观点都会改变;然而我知道,唯一可能的变化是对黑人特征总结出更高的评价。”(Darwin 1887,p。246)就说火地岛人,他“无法相信野蛮人和文明人之间的区别有多大:会是大于野生动物和驯养动物之间的距离,因为人类具有更大的改良能力”,但他认识并喜欢杰米·巴顿这样的火地岛人:“当我想起他的许多优良品质时,对我来说似乎很美妙,他应该属于我们同一种族,毫无疑问我们拥有同样的性格属性,而我们在这里初次见到他时却是悲惨而堕落的野蛮人。” (Darwin1845年,第205、207-208页)
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He rejected the ill-treatment of native people, and for example wrote of massacres of Patagonian men, women, and children, "Every one here is fully convinced that this is the most just war, because it is against barbarians. Who would believe in this age that such atrocities could be committed in a Christian civilized country?"(Darwin 1845, p. 102)
 
He rejected the ill-treatment of native people, and for example wrote of massacres of Patagonian men, women, and children, "Every one here is fully convinced that this is the most just war, because it is against barbarians. Who would believe in this age that such atrocities could be committed in a Christian civilized country?"(Darwin 1845, p. 102)
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他拒绝虐待土著人民,例如写了巴塔哥尼亚男人,女人和儿童的屠杀,“这里的每个人都完全相信这是最公正的战争,因为它是针对野蛮人的。在这个时代,谁会相信这样的暴行竟然会在基督教文明国家发生?” (Darwin 1845, p. 102)
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他拒绝虐待土著人民,例如他记录了巴塔哥尼亚男人、女人和儿童之间的屠杀,“这里的每个人都完全相信这是最公正的战争,因为它是针对野蛮人的。在这个时代,谁会相信这样的暴行竟然会在基督教文明国家发生?” (Darwin 1845, p. 102)
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Wilkins, John. "Evolving Thoughts: Darwin and the Holocaust 3: eugenics". Archived from the original on 5 December 2008. Retrieved 11 November 2008.)
 
Wilkins, John. "Evolving Thoughts: Darwin and the Holocaust 3: eugenics". Archived from the original on 5 December 2008. Retrieved 11 November 2008.)
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遗传学家将人类遗传学作为孟德尔遗传来研究,而优生学运动则试图管理社会,重点是英国的社会阶层,以及美国的残疾和种族划分,导致遗传学家将其视为不切实际的伪科学。后来就发生了人类自由交配到反向优生的转变,包括美国的强制性绝育法,以及后期被纳粹德国借用,围绕优劣种族主义和“种族卫生”的思想,将其作为纳粹优生学的基础。(Thurtle, Phillip (17 December 1996). "the creation of genetic identity". SEHR. 5 (Supplement: Cultural and Technological Incubations of Fascism). Retrieved 11 November 2008.Edwards, A. W. F. (1 April 2000). "The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection". Genetics. 154 (April 2000). pp. 1419–1426. PMC 1461012. PMID 10747041. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
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遗传学家将人类遗传学作为孟德尔遗传来研究,而优生学运动则试图管理社会,尤其是试图改变英国的社会阶层差距以及美国的残疾和种族划分等问题。但这导致了遗传学家将其视为不切实际的伪科学。后来,发生了人类自由交配到反向优生的转变,包括美国的强制性绝育法,以及后期被纳粹德国借用,围绕优劣种族主义和“种族卫生”的思想,并将其作为纳粹优生学的基础。
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(Thurtle, Phillip (17 December 1996). "the creation of genetic identity". SEHR. 5 (Supplement: Cultural and Technological Incubations of Fascism). Retrieved 11 November 2008.Edwards, A. W. F. (1 April 2000). "The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection". Genetics. 154 (April 2000). pp. 1419–1426. PMC 1461012. PMID 10747041. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
 
Wilkins, John. "Evolving Thoughts: Darwin and the Holocaust 3: eugenics". Archived from the original on 5 December 2008. Retrieved 11 November 2008.)
 
Wilkins, John. "Evolving Thoughts: Darwin and the Holocaust 3: eugenics". Archived from the original on 5 December 2008. Retrieved 11 November 2008.)
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David Quammen writes of his "theory that [Darwin] turned to these arcane botanical studies – producing more than one book that was solidly empirical, discreetly evolutionary, yet a "horrid bore" – at least partly so that the clamorous controversialists, fighting about apes and angels and souls, would leave him... alone." David Quammen, "The Brilliant Plodder" (review of Ken Thompson, Darwin's Most Wonderful Plants: A Tour of His Botanical Legacy, University of Chicago Press, 255 pp.; Elizabeth Hennessy, On the Backs of Tortoises: Darwin, the Galápagos, and the Fate of an Evolutionary Eden, Yale University Press, 310 pp.; Bill Jenkins, Evolution Before Darwin: Theories of the Transmutation of Species in Edinburgh, 1804–1834, Edinburgh University Press, 222 pp.), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVII, no. 7 (23 April 2020), pp. 22–24. Quammen, quoted from p. 24 of his review.
 
David Quammen writes of his "theory that [Darwin] turned to these arcane botanical studies – producing more than one book that was solidly empirical, discreetly evolutionary, yet a "horrid bore" – at least partly so that the clamorous controversialists, fighting about apes and angels and souls, would leave him... alone." David Quammen, "The Brilliant Plodder" (review of Ken Thompson, Darwin's Most Wonderful Plants: A Tour of His Botanical Legacy, University of Chicago Press, 255 pp.; Elizabeth Hennessy, On the Backs of Tortoises: Darwin, the Galápagos, and the Fate of an Evolutionary Eden, Yale University Press, 310 pp.; Bill Jenkins, Evolution Before Darwin: Theories of the Transmutation of Species in Edinburgh, 1804–1834, Edinburgh University Press, 222 pp.), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVII, no. 7 (23 April 2020), pp. 22–24. Quammen, quoted from p. 24 of his review.
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大卫·夸曼David Quammen写下了他的观点,“达尔文转向了这些神秘的植物学研究–出版了多本经过实证研究的,谨慎的进化论书,却“极其令人生厌”–但是至少在某种程度上,让那些为争夺猿猴,天使和灵魂而战的吵闹争论者不再继续打扰他。” David Quammen, "The Brilliant Plodder" (review of Ken Thompson, Darwin's Most Wonderful Plants: A Tour of His Botanical Legacy, University of Chicago Press, 255 pp.; Elizabeth Hennessy, On the Backs of Tortoises: Darwin, the Galápagos, and the Fate of an Evolutionary Eden, Yale University Press, 310 pp.; Bill Jenkins, Evolution Before Darwin: Theories of the Transmutation of Species in Edinburgh, 1804–1834, Edinburgh University Press, 222 pp.), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVII, no. 7 (23 April 2020), pp. 22–24. Quammen, quoted from p. 24 of his review.
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大卫·夸曼David Quammen认为,“在达尔文出版了多本经过实证研究的,谨慎的进化论书后,他转向了这些神秘的植物学研究。但这却是‘极其令人生厌’的,不过至少在某种程度上,让那些为争夺猿猴,天使和灵魂而战的吵闹争论者不再继续打扰他。” David Quammen, "The Brilliant Plodder" (review of Ken Thompson, Darwin's Most Wonderful Plants: A Tour of His Botanical Legacy, University of Chicago Press, 255 pp.; Elizabeth Hennessy, On the Backs of Tortoises: Darwin, the Galápagos, and the Fate of an Evolutionary Eden, Yale University Press, 310 pp.; Bill Jenkins, Evolution Before Darwin: Theories of the Transmutation of Species in Edinburgh, 1804–1834, Edinburgh University Press, 222 pp.), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVII, no. 7 (23 April 2020), pp. 22–24. Quammen, quoted from p. 24 of his review.
    
== Citations 引用 ==
 
== Citations 引用 ==
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