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第598行：
第598行： − 这本书引起了国际上的关注，不过与人们广泛关注《自然创造史的遗迹》相比，争议较少，科学性也不及后者。尽管达尔文的疾病使他远离了公开辩论，但他热切地关注科学届的反应，反馈新闻报道，评论，文章，讽刺作品和漫画，并与世界各地的同事们进行沟通。该书没有明确讨论人类的起源，但是暗含了一些关于人类动物血统的线索，可以从中进行推断。第一篇书评问道：“如果猴子变成了人，那么人不会变成什么？”，他说应该交给神学家，因为这对普通读者来说太危险了。在早期的积极回应中，赫胥黎的评论抨击了理查德·欧文Richard Owen，后者是赫胥黎试图推翻的科学机构的领导人。4月，欧文的评论攻击了达尔文的朋友，并居高临下地摒弃了他的想法，这激怒了达尔文，但是欧文和其他人开始提倡超自然引导的进化思想。当时帕特里克·马修Patrick Matthew提请注意达尔文1831年的书，该书有一个简短的附录，提出了自然选择的概念，该概念导致了新物种的出现，不过当时他并未提出这个想法。+ 第614行：
第614行： − 尽管达尔文的密友格雷，胡克，赫胥黎和莱尔仍然表示了对他理论的各种保留，但也给予了大力支持，另外许多人，尤其是年轻的博物学家也表示了支持。格雷和莱尔在寻求其与信仰能和谐存在的方式，而赫胥黎则描绘了宗教与科学之间的两极分化。他带有挑衅地反对神职人员在教育方面的权威，旨在推翻欧文领导下的牧师和贵族倾向者的统治，转而采用新一代的专业科学家。赫胥黎在关于金斯利Kingsley提出的“海马体问题”的长期争议中证明了欧文的主张是错误的，并使欧文名誉扫地。当时欧文想通过大脑解剖来证明了人类是与猿完全独立的物种。+ − 第631行：
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→Responses to publication 《物种起源》的反响
The book aroused international interest, with less controversy than had greeted the popular and less scientific Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation.[141] Though Darwin's illness kept him away from the public debates, he eagerly scrutinised the scientific response, commenting on press cuttings, reviews, articles, satires and caricatures, and corresponded on it with colleagues worldwide.[142] The book did not explicitly discuss human origins,[136][IV] but included a number of hints about the animal ancestry of humans from which the inference could be made.[143] The first review asked, "If a monkey has become a man–what may not a man become?" and said it should be left to theologians as it was too dangerous for ordinary readers.[144] Amongst early favourable responses, Huxley's reviews swiped at Richard Owen, leader of the scientific establishment Huxley was trying to overthrow.[145] In April, Owen's review attacked Darwin's friends and condescendingly dismissed his ideas, angering Darwin,[146] but Owen and others began to promote ideas of supernaturally guided evolution. Patrick Matthew drew attention to his 1831 book which had a brief appendix suggesting a concept of natural selection leading to new species, but he had not developed the idea.
The book aroused international interest, with less controversy than had greeted the popular and less scientific Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation.[141] Though Darwin's illness kept him away from the public debates, he eagerly scrutinised the scientific response, commenting on press cuttings, reviews, articles, satires and caricatures, and corresponded on it with colleagues worldwide.[142] The book did not explicitly discuss human origins,[136][IV] but included a number of hints about the animal ancestry of humans from which the inference could be made.[143] The first review asked, "If a monkey has become a man–what may not a man become?" and said it should be left to theologians as it was too dangerous for ordinary readers.[144] Amongst early favourable responses, Huxley's reviews swiped at Richard Owen, leader of the scientific establishment Huxley was trying to overthrow.[145] In April, Owen's review attacked Darwin's friends and condescendingly dismissed his ideas, angering Darwin,[146] but Owen and others began to promote ideas of supernaturally guided evolution. Patrick Matthew drew attention to his 1831 book which had a brief appendix suggesting a concept of natural selection leading to new species, but he had not developed the idea.
《物种起源》引起了国际上的关注，不过与人们广泛关注《自然创造史的遗迹》相比，争议较少，不过科学性也不及后者。尽管达尔文的疾病使他远离了公开辩论，但他热切地关注科学届的反应，如反馈新闻报道、评论、文章、讽刺作品和漫画等，并与世界各地的同事们进行沟通。该书没有明确讨论人类的起源，但是暗含了一些关于人类动物血统的线索，可以从中进行推断。第一篇书评问道：“如果猴子变成了人，那么人不会变成什么？”，他说应该交给神学家，因为这对普通读者来说太危险了。在早期的积极回应中，赫胥黎的评论抨击了理查德·欧文Richard Owen，后者是赫胥黎试图推翻的科学机构的领导人。4月，欧文的评论攻击了达尔文的朋友，并居高临下地摒弃了他的想法，这激怒了达尔文，但是欧文和其他人开始提倡超自然引导的进化思想。当时帕特里克·马修Patrick Matthew提请注意达尔文1831年的书，该书有一个简短的附录，提出了自然选择的概念，该概念导致了新物种的出现，不过当时他并未提出这个想法。
Even Darwin's close friends Gray, Hooker, Huxley and Lyell still expressed various reservations but gave strong support, as did many others, particularly younger naturalists. Gray and Lyell sought reconciliation with faith, while Huxley portrayed a polarisation between religion and science. He campaigned pugnaciously against the authority of the clergy in education,[148] aiming to overturn the dominance of clergymen and aristocratic amateurs under Owen in favour of a new generation of professional scientists. Owen's claim that brain anatomy proved humans to be a separate biological order from apes was shown to be false by Huxley in a long running dispute parodied by Kingsley as the "Great Hippocampus Question", and discredited Owen.
Even Darwin's close friends Gray, Hooker, Huxley and Lyell still expressed various reservations but gave strong support, as did many others, particularly younger naturalists. Gray and Lyell sought reconciliation with faith, while Huxley portrayed a polarisation between religion and science. He campaigned pugnaciously against the authority of the clergy in education,[148] aiming to overturn the dominance of clergymen and aristocratic amateurs under Owen in favour of a new generation of professional scientists. Owen's claim that brain anatomy proved humans to be a separate biological order from apes was shown to be false by Huxley in a long running dispute parodied by Kingsley as the "Great Hippocampus Question", and discredited Owen.
尽管达尔文的密友格雷、胡克、赫胥黎和莱尔仍然表示了对他理论的各种保留观点，但也给予了大力支持，另外许多人，尤其是年轻的博物学家也表示了支持。格雷和莱尔在寻求其与信仰能和谐存在的方式，而赫胥黎则描绘了宗教与科学之间的两极分化。他带有挑衅地反对神职人员在教育方面的权威，旨在推翻欧文领导下的牧师和贵族倾向者的统治，转而采用新一代的专业科学家。当时欧文想通过大脑解剖来证明了人类是与猿完全独立的物种，而赫胥黎在关于金斯利Kingsley提出的“海马体问题”的长期争议中证明了欧文的主张是错误的，并使欧文名誉扫地。
后来《物种起源》被翻译成了多种语言，成为一种非常重要的科学读物，引起了各行各业的关注，包括当时涌向赫胥黎演讲的“劳动者”。达尔文的理论在当时也引起了各种运动的共鸣，并成为流行文化的重要组成部分。漫画家们通过夸张地演绎古老的动物祖先，以展示人类也具有动物的特征。在英国，这些滑稽的图像以一种毫无威胁的方式推广了达尔文的理论。在1862年生病期间，达尔文开始留胡子。1866年当他重新露面时，他的猿猴漫画帮助了他将达尔文主义所有形式的进化论定义出来。
后来《物种起源》被翻译成了多种语言，成为一种非常重要的科学读物，引起了各行各业的关注，包括当时涌向赫胥黎演讲的“劳动者”。达尔文的理论在当时也引起了各种运动的共鸣，并成为流行文化的重要组成部分。漫画家们通过夸张地演绎古老的动物祖先，以展示人类也具有动物的特征。在英国，这些滑稽的图像以一种毫无威胁的方式推广了达尔文的理论。在1862年生病期间，达尔文开始留胡子。1866年当他重新露面时，他的猿猴漫画帮助了他将达尔文主义所有形式的进化论定义出来。
=== ''Descent of Man'', sexual selection, and botany 人类的由来，性别选择和植物学 ===
=== ''Descent of Man'', sexual selection, and botany 人类的由来，性别选择和植物学 ===