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Moved page from wikipedia:en:Market (economics) (history)
此词条暂由彩云小译翻译，翻译字数共8349，未经人工整理和审校，带来阅读不便，请见谅。
{{short description|System in which parties engage in transactions according to supply and demand}}
{{redirect|Market forces|the novel by Richard Morgan|Market Forces|other uses|Market (disambiguation){{!}}Market}}
{{economics sidebar}}
{{financial markets}}
A '''market''' is a composition of [[system]]s, [[institution]]s, procedures, [[social relation]]s or [[infrastructure]]s whereby parties engage in [[Exchange (economics)|exchange]]. While parties may exchange goods and services by [[barter]], most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including [[labour power]]) to buyers in exchange for [[money]]. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate [[trade]] and enable the distribution and [[allocation of resources]] in a society. Markets allow any tradeable item to be evaluated and [[price]]d. A market [[emergence|emerges]] more or less [[spontaneous order|spontaneously]] or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. [[ownership]]) of services and goods. Markets generally supplant gift economies and are often held in place through rules and customs, such as a booth fee, competitive pricing, and source of goods for sale (local produce or stock registration).
A market is a composition of systems, institutions, procedures, social relations or infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labour power) to buyers in exchange for money. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate trade and enable the distribution and allocation of resources in a society. Markets allow any tradeable item to be evaluated and priced. A market emerges more or less spontaneously or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. ownership) of services and goods. Markets generally supplant gift economies and are often held in place through rules and customs, such as a booth fee, competitive pricing, and source of goods for sale (local produce or stock registration).
市场是由系统、制度、程序、社会关系或基础设施组成的，各方通过这些系统、制度、程序、社会关系或基础设施进行交换。虽然当事人可以以物易物的方式交换商品和服务，但大多数市场依赖卖方向买方提供商品或服务(包括劳动力)以换取金钱。可以说，市场是确定商品和服务价格的过程。市场促进贸易，使资源在社会中的分配和配置成为可能。市场允许对任何可交易的商品进行评估和定价。市场或多或少是自发出现的，或可能是人类为了能够进行权利交换而故意构建的。服务及货品的拥有权)。市场通常取代礼品经济，通常通过规则和习俗来维持，例如展位费、有竞争力的定价和出售商品的来源(当地产品或库存登记)。
Markets can differ by products (goods, services) or factors (labour and capital) sold, [[product differentiation]], place in which exchanges are carried, buyers targeted, duration, selling process, government regulation, taxes, subsidies, [[minimum wage]]s, [[price ceiling]]s, legality of exchange, liquidity, intensity of speculation, size, concentration, exchange asymmetry, [[relative price]]s, volatility and geographic extension. The geographic boundaries of a market may vary considerably, for example the food market in a single building, the real estate market in a local city, the consumer market in an entire country, or the economy of an international [[trade bloc]] where the same rules apply throughout. Markets can also be worldwide, see for example the global [[diamond trade]]. National economies can also be classified as [[developed market]]s or [[developing market]]s.
Markets can differ by products (goods, services) or factors (labour and capital) sold, product differentiation, place in which exchanges are carried, buyers targeted, duration, selling process, government regulation, taxes, subsidies, minimum wages, price ceilings, legality of exchange, liquidity, intensity of speculation, size, concentration, exchange asymmetry, relative prices, volatility and geographic extension. The geographic boundaries of a market may vary considerably, for example the food market in a single building, the real estate market in a local city, the consumer market in an entire country, or the economy of an international trade bloc where the same rules apply throughout. Markets can also be worldwide, see for example the global diamond trade. National economies can also be classified as developed markets or developing markets.
市场可以根据出售的产品(商品、服务)或因素(劳动力和资本)、产品差异化、交易所所在地、买家目标、持续时间、销售过程、政府监管、税收、补贴、最低工资、价格上限、交易的合法性、流动性、投机强度、规模、集中度、交易所不对称、相对价格、波动性和地域延伸性而有所不同。一个市场的地理边界可能有很大的不同，例如单一建筑物的食品市场、当地城市的房地产市场、整个国家的消费者市场，或者在整个国际贸易集团中适用同样规则的经济。市场也可以是全球性的，例如全球钻石贸易。国民经济也可以分为发达市场和发展中市场。
In [[mainstream economics]], the concept of a market is any structure that allows buyers and sellers to exchange any type of goods, services and [[information economy|information]]. The exchange of goods or services, with or without [[money]], is a [[Financial transaction|transaction]].<ref>[http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/transaction "Transaction"], Oxford Dictionaries. Retrieved 25 October 2014.</ref> [[Market participant]]s consist of all the buyers and sellers of a [[Goods|good]] who influence its [[price]], which is a major topic of study of [[economic]]s and has given rise to several theories and [[economic models|models]] concerning the basic market forces of [[supply and demand]]. A major topic of debate is how much a given market can be considered to be a "[[free market]]", that is free from [[economic interventionism|government intervention]]. Microeconomics traditionally focuses on the study of market structure and the efficiency of [[market equilibrium]]; when the latter (if it exists) is not efficient, then economists say that a [[market failure]] has occurred. However, it is not always clear how the allocation of resources can be improved since there is always the possibility of [[government failure]].
In mainstream economics, the concept of a market is any structure that allows buyers and sellers to exchange any type of goods, services and information. The exchange of goods or services, with or without money, is a transaction."Transaction", Oxford Dictionaries. Retrieved 25 October 2014. Market participants consist of all the buyers and sellers of a good who influence its price, which is a major topic of study of economics and has given rise to several theories and models concerning the basic market forces of supply and demand. A major topic of debate is how much a given market can be considered to be a "free market", that is free from government intervention. Microeconomics traditionally focuses on the study of market structure and the efficiency of market equilibrium; when the latter (if it exists) is not efficient, then economists say that a market failure has occurred. However, it is not always clear how the allocation of resources can be improved since there is always the possibility of government failure.
在主流经济学中，市场的概念是允许买卖双方交换任何类型的商品、服务和信息的任何结构。货物或服务的交换，不管有没有货币，都是一种交易。《交易》 ，牛津词典。2014年10月25日检索。市场参与者包括影响商品价格的所有买方和卖方，价格是经济学研究的一个主要课题，已经产生了关于供求基本市场力量的若干理论和模型。争论的一个主要话题是，一个特定的市场在多大程度上可以被视为一个“自由市场”，即不受政府干预的市场。微观经济学传统上侧重于研究市场结构和市场均衡的效率; 当后者(如果存在的话)效率不高时，经济学家就会说市场失灵已经发生。然而，我们并不总是清楚如何改善资源的分配，因为总是存在政府失败的可能性。
== Definition ==
In economics, a market is a coordinating mechanism that uses prices to convey information among economic entities (such as [[company|firms]], households and individuals) to regulate production and distribution. In his seminal 1937 article "[[The Nature of the Firm]]", [[Ronald Coase]] wrote: "An economist thinks of the economic system as being coordinated by the price mechanism....in economic theory we find that the allocation of factors of production between different uses is determined by the price mechanism".<ref name="natureofthefirm">{{cite journal|doi=10.1111/j.1468-0335.1937.tb00002.x|last=Coase|first=Ronald|author-link=Ronald Coase|year=1937|title=The Nature of the Firm|journal=Economica|volume=4|issue=16|pages=386–405|jstor=2626876|publisher=Blackwell Publishing}}</ref> Thus the usage of the price mechanism to convey information is the defining feature of the market. This is in contrast to a firm, which as Coase put it, "the distinguishing mark of the firm is the super-session of the price mechanism".<ref name="natureofthefirm"/>
In economics, a market is a coordinating mechanism that uses prices to convey information among economic entities (such as firms, households and individuals) to regulate production and distribution. In his seminal 1937 article "The Nature of the Firm", Ronald Coase wrote: "An economist thinks of the economic system as being coordinated by the price mechanism....in economic theory we find that the allocation of factors of production between different uses is determined by the price mechanism". Thus the usage of the price mechanism to convey information is the defining feature of the market. This is in contrast to a firm, which as Coase put it, "the distinguishing mark of the firm is the super-session of the price mechanism".
在经济学中，市场是一种协调机制，利用价格在经济实体(如企业、家庭和个人)之间传递信息，以调节生产和分配。罗纳德•科斯(Ronald Coase)在1937年发表的开创性文章《企业的本质》(The Nature of The Company)中写道: “经济学家认为，经济体系是由价格机制协调的... ... 在经济理论中，我们发现生产要素在不同用途之间的分配是由价格机制决定的。”。因此，利用价格机制传递信息是市场的拥有属性。这与科斯所说的公司形成了鲜明对比，“公司的标志是价格机制的超级会议”。
Thus, Firms and Markets are two opposite forms of organizing production; Coase wrote:<ref name="natureofthefirm"/>
{{blockquote|Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm, these market transactions are eliminated and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production.}}
Thus, Firms and Markets are two opposite forms of organizing production; Coase wrote:
因此，公司和市场是组织生产的两种截然相反的形式; 科斯写道:
There are also other hybrid forms of coordinating mechanisms, in between the hierarchical firm and price-coordinating market(e.g. [[global value chain]]s, [[Business Venture]]s, [[Joint Venture]], and [[strategic alliance]]s).
There are also other hybrid forms of coordinating mechanisms, in between the hierarchical firm and price-coordinating market(e.g. global value chains, Business Ventures, Joint Venture, and strategic alliances).
还有其他混合形式的协调机制，在等级制企业和价格协调市场(如。全球价值链、商业企业、合资企业和战略联盟)。
The reasons for the existence of firms or other forms of co-ordinating mechanisms of production and distribution alongside the market are studied in "The Theory of the Firm" literature, with various [[complete contract|complete]] and [[Incomplete contracts|incomplete contract]] theories trying to explain the existence of the firm. Incomplete contract theories that are explicitly based on [[bounded rationality]] lead to the costs of writing complete contracts. Such theories include: Transaction Cost Economies <ref>{{Cite book|last=Williamson|first=Oliver E.|date=1989|chapter=3: Transaction Cost Economies|title=Handbook of Industrial Organization|pages=135–182|publisher=Elsevier|doi=10.1016/S1573-448X(89)01006-X|volume=1|isbn=9780444704344}}</ref> by [[Oliver E. Williamson|Oliver Williamson]] and Residual Rights Theory<ref>{{Cite journal|title=The Costs and Benefits of Ownership: A Theory of Vertical and Lateral Integration|doi=10.1086/261404|journal=Journal of Political Economy|year=1986|volume=94|last1=Grossman|first1=Sanford J.|last2=Hart|first2=Oliver D.|issue=4|pages=691–719|url=http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3450060}}</ref> by Groomsman, Hart, and Moore.
The reasons for the existence of firms or other forms of co-ordinating mechanisms of production and distribution alongside the market are studied in "The Theory of the Firm" literature, with various complete and incomplete contract theories trying to explain the existence of the firm. Incomplete contract theories that are explicitly based on bounded rationality lead to the costs of writing complete contracts. Such theories include: Transaction Cost Economies by Oliver Williamson and Residual Rights Theory by Groomsman, Hart, and Moore.
企业存在的原因或其他形式的协调机制的生产和分配与市场一起研究“企业理论”的文献，与各种完整和不完整的契约理论试图解释企业的存在。明确基于有限理性的不完全契约理论导致了撰写完整契约的成本。这些理论包括: 奥利弗 · 威廉姆森的交易成本经济学和伴郎、哈特和摩尔的剩余权利理论。
Market-Firms's dichotomy can be contrasted with the relationship between the agents transacting. While in a market the relationship is short term and restricted to the contract, in the case of firms and other co-ordinating mechanisms it is for a longer duration.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Kállay|first=Balázs|title=Contract Theory of the Firm|date=2012|doi=10.14254/2071-789X.2012/5-1/3|journal=Journal of Scientific Papers ECONOMICS & SOCIOLOGY|volume=5|pages=39–50|doi-access=free}}</ref>
Market-Firms's dichotomy can be contrasted with the relationship between the agents transacting. While in a market the relationship is short term and restricted to the contract, in the case of firms and other co-ordinating mechanisms it is for a longer duration.
市场企业的二分法可以与代理人之间的交易关系进行对比。在市场中，这种关系是短期的，仅限于合同，而在公司和其他协调机制中，这种关系的持续时间更长。
In the modern world much economic activity takes place through fiat and not the market. Lafontaine and Slade (2007) estimates, in the US, that the total value added in transactions inside the firms equal the total value added of all market transactions.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Lafontaine|first1=Francine|last2=Slade|first2=Margaret|date=2007|title=Vertical Integration and Firm Boundaries: The Evidence|jstor=27646842|journal=Journal of Economic Literature|volume=45|issue=3|pages=629–685|doi=10.1257/jel.45.3.629|url=https://ageconsearch.umn.edu/record/269756/files/twerp_799.pdf}}</ref> Similarly, 80% of all World Trade is conducted under Global Value Chains (2012 estimate), while 33% (1996 estimate) is intra-firm trade.<ref>{{cite web|title=80% of trade takes place in 'value chains' linked to transnational corporations, UNCTAD report says|url=https://unctad.org/en/pages/PressRelease.aspx?OriginalVersionID=113|publisher=[[United Nations Conference on Trade and Development]]|date=27 February 2013|access-date=18 July 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite document|title=World Investment Report 1996|date=1996|publisher=[[United Nations Conference on Trade and Development]]|url=https://unctad.org/en/pages/PublicationArchive.aspx?publicationid=646#:~:text=The%20World%20Investment%20Report%201996,interlinkages%20between%20FDI%20and%20trade.&text=And%20they%20contribute%20to%20more%20international%20negotiations%20on%20investment.|access-date=18 July 2020}}</ref> Nearly 50% of US imports and 30% of exports take place within firms.<ref>{{cite web|last=Antras|first=Pol|date=2015|title=Global Production: Firms, Contracts, and Trade Structure|url=https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/antras/files/global_production_slides.pdf|access-date=19 July 2020}}</ref> While Rajan and Zingales (1998) have found that in 43 countries two-thirds of the growth in value added between 1980 and 1990 came from increase in firm size.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Rajan|first1=Raghuram G.|last2=Zingales|first2=Luigi|date=1998|title=Financial Dependence and Growth|jstor=116849|journal=The American Economic Review|volume=88|issue=3|pages=559–586|doi=10.3386/w5758|doi-access=free}}</ref>
In the modern world much economic activity takes place through fiat and not the market. Lafontaine and Slade (2007) estimates, in the US, that the total value added in transactions inside the firms equal the total value added of all market transactions. Similarly, 80% of all World Trade is conducted under Global Value Chains (2012 estimate), while 33% (1996 estimate) is intra-firm trade. Nearly 50% of US imports and 30% of exports take place within firms. While Rajan and Zingales (1998) have found that in 43 countries two-thirds of the growth in value added between 1980 and 1990 came from increase in firm size.
在现代世界，许多经济活动是通过法令而非市场进行的。Lafontaine 和 Slade (2007)估计，在美国，公司内部交易的总增加值等于所有市场交易的总增加值。同样，80% 的世界贸易是在全球价值链下进行的(2012年估计) ，而33% (1996年估计)是公司内部贸易。美国近50% 的进口和30% 的出口都发生在企业内部。Rajan 和 Zingales (1998)发现，在43个国家中，1980年至1990年间增加值的三分之二来自企业规模的增长。
== Types ==
A market is one of the many varieties of [[system]]s, [[institution]]s, procedures, [[social relation]]s and [[infrastructure]]s whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by [[barter]], most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labour) in exchange for [[money]] from buyers. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate [[trade]] and enable the distribution and [[allocation of resources]] in a society. Markets allow any trade-able item to be evaluated and [[price]]d. A market sometimes [[emergence|emerges]] more or less [[spontaneous order|spontaneously]] or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. [[ownership]]) of services and goods.
A market is one of the many varieties of systems, institutions, procedures, social relations and infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labour) in exchange for money from buyers. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate trade and enable the distribution and allocation of resources in a society. Markets allow any trade-able item to be evaluated and priced. A market sometimes emerges more or less spontaneously or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. ownership) of services and goods.
市场是各方进行交换的各种系统、制度、程序、社会关系和基础设施之一。虽然当事人可以以物易物的方式交换货物和服务，但大多数市场依赖卖方提供其货物或服务(包括劳动力)以换取买方的钱。可以说，市场是确定商品和服务价格的过程。市场促进贸易，使资源在社会中的分配和配置成为可能。市场允许对任何可交易的商品进行评估和定价。市场有时或多或少是自发形成的，或可能是人类为了能够进行权利交换而故意构建的。服务及货品的拥有权)。
Markets of varying types can spontaneously arise whenever a party has interest in a good or service that some other party can provide. Hence there can be a market for cigarettes in correctional facilities, another for chewing gum in a playground, and yet another for contracts for the future delivery of a commodity. There can be [[black market]]s, where a good is exchanged illegally, for example markets for goods under a command economy despite pressure to repress them and [[e-commerce|virtual markets]], such as [[eBay]], in which buyers and sellers do not physically interact during negotiation. A market can be organized as an [[auction]], as a [[private electronic market]], as a commodity [[wholesale market]], as a [[shopping center]], as complex institutions such as international markets and as an informal discussion between two individuals.
Markets of varying types can spontaneously arise whenever a party has interest in a good or service that some other party can provide. Hence there can be a market for cigarettes in correctional facilities, another for chewing gum in a playground, and yet another for contracts for the future delivery of a commodity. There can be black markets, where a good is exchanged illegally, for example markets for goods under a command economy despite pressure to repress them and virtual markets, such as eBay, in which buyers and sellers do not physically interact during negotiation. A market can be organized as an auction, as a private electronic market, as a commodity wholesale market, as a shopping center, as complex institutions such as international markets and as an informal discussion between two individuals.
只要一方对另一方可以提供的商品或服务感兴趣，就可以自发形成不同类型的市场。因此，在监狱里可以有一个香烟市场，在操场上可以有一个口香糖市场，在未来交付一种商品的合同市场也可以有一个。可能存在商品非法交换的黑市，例如指令经济下的商品市场，尽管有压力要压制它们; 还有虚拟市场，例如 eBay，在这种市场中，买家和卖家在谈判期间不进行实际互动。市场可以组织成拍卖、私人电子市场、商品批发市场、购物中心、国际市场等复杂机构以及两个人之间的非正式讨论。
Markets vary in form, scale (volume and geographic reach), location and types of participants as well as the types of goods and services traded. The following is a non exhaustive list:
Markets vary in form, scale (volume and geographic reach), location and types of participants as well as the types of goods and services traded. The following is a non exhaustive list:
市场在形式、规模(数量和地理范围)、参与者的位置和类型以及交易的商品和服务类型等方面各不相同。以下是一个非详尽的清单:
=== Physical consumer markets ===
[[File:Main Entrance - Stuart Saunders Hogg Market - Kolkata 2013-12-24 1394.JPG|thumb|right|250px|Front view of Stuart Saunders Hogg Market, [[Kolkata]]]]
* Food retail markets: [[farmers' market]]s, [[fish market]]s, [[wet market]]s and [[grocery store]]s
* Retail marketplaces: [[Market (place)|public markets]], [[market square]]s, [[Main Street]]s, [[High Street]]s, [[bazaar]]s, [[souq]]s, [[night market]]s, shopping [[strip mall]]s and [[shopping mall]]s
* [[Big-box store]]s: [[supermarket]]s, [[hypermarket]]s and [[discount store]]s
* ''Ad hoc'' [[auction]] markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Used goods markets such as [[flea market]]s
* Temporary markets such as [[fair]]s
* [[Real estate market]]s
* Food retail markets: farmers' markets, fish markets, wet markets and grocery stores
* Retail marketplaces: public markets, market squares, Main Streets, High Streets, bazaars, souqs, night markets, shopping strip malls and shopping malls
* Big-box stores: supermarkets, hypermarkets and discount stores
* Ad hoc auction markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Used goods markets such as flea markets
* Temporary markets such as fairs
* Real estate markets
* 食品零售市场: 农贸市场、鱼市场、菜市场和杂货店
* 零售市场: 公共市场、市场广场、主要街道、商业街、集市、集市、夜市、商业街和购物中心
* 大卖场: 超市、超级市场和折扣店
* 特别拍卖市场: 通过出价、接受出价然后将物品卖给出价最高者来购买和销售商品或服务的过程
* 二手商品市场如跳蚤市场
* 集市等临时市场
* 房地产市场
=== Physical business markets ===
[[File:Microcosm of London Plate 033 - Corn Exchange.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Corn Exchange]] in London, circa 1809]]
* Physical [[wholesale market]]s: sale of goods or merchandise to retailers; to industrial, commercial, institutional, or other professional business users or to other wholesalers and related subordinated services
* Markets for [[intermediate good]]s used in production of other goods and services
* [[Labour market]]s: where people sell their labour to businesses in exchange for a [[wage]]
* [[Online auction business model|Online auctions]] and ''Ad hoc'' [[auction]] markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Temporary markets such as [[trade fair]]s
* [[Energy market]]s
* Physical wholesale markets: sale of goods or merchandise to retailers; to industrial, commercial, institutional, or other professional business users or to other wholesalers and related subordinated services
* Markets for intermediate goods used in production of other goods and services
* Labour markets: where people sell their labour to businesses in exchange for a wage
* Online auctions and Ad hoc auction markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Temporary markets such as trade fairs
* Energy markets
* 实体批发市场: 向零售商出售商品或商品; 向工业、商业、机构或其他专业商业用户或其他批发商及相关附属服务出售商品或商品
* 用于生产其他商品和服务的中间商品市场
* 劳动力市场: 人们向企业出售劳动力以换取工资
* 在线拍卖和特设拍卖市场: 通过出价购买和出售商品或服务，进行拍卖，然后将商品出售给出价最高者的过程
* 贸易展览会等临时市场
* 能源市场
=== Non-physical markets ===
* [[Media market]]s (broadcast market): is a region where the population can receive the same (or similar) television and radio station offerings and may also include other types of media including newspapers and Internet content
* Internet markets ([[electronic commerce]]): trading in products or services using computer networks, such as the Internet
* Artificial markets created by regulation to exchange rights for derivatives that have been designed to ameliorate [[externalities]], such as pollution permits (see [[carbon trading]])
* Media markets (broadcast market): is a region where the population can receive the same (or similar) television and radio station offerings and may also include other types of media including newspapers and Internet content
* Internet markets (electronic commerce): trading in products or services using computer networks, such as the Internet
* Artificial markets created by regulation to exchange rights for derivatives that have been designed to ameliorate externalities, such as pollution permits (see carbon trading)
媒体市场(广播市场) : 是一个地区，人们可以收到相同的(或类似的)电视和广播电台节目，也可能包括其他类型的媒体，包括报纸和互联网内容
* 互联网市场(电子商务) : 使用计算机网络交易产品或服务，如互联网
* 人工市场通过监管创建，以交换衍生产品的权利，这些衍生产品旨在改善外部性，如污染许可证(见碳交易)
=== Financial markets ===
[[File:No Known Restrictions- New York Stock Exchange Floor by Thomas J. O'Halloran, 1963 (LOC).jpg|thumb|right|250px|[[New York Stock Exchange]] ([[United States]]), 1963]]
[[Financial market]]s facilitate the exchange of [[liquid asset]]s. Most investors prefer investing in two markets:
* The [[stock market]]s, for the exchange of shares in [[corporation]]s ([[NYSE]], [[American Stock Exchange|AMEX]] and the [[NASDAQ]] are the most common stock markets in the United States)
* The [[bond market]]s
Financial markets facilitate the exchange of liquid assets. Most investors prefer investing in two markets:
* The stock markets, for the exchange of shares in corporations (NYSE, AMEX and the NASDAQ are the most common stock markets in the United States)
* The bond markets
金融市场促进流动资产的交换。大多数投资者喜欢投资于两个市场:
* 股票市场，用于公司股票交易(纽约证券交易所、美国证券交易所和纳斯达克是美国最常见的股票市场)
* 债券市场
There are also:
* [[Currency market]]s are used to trade one currency for another, and are often used for speculation on currency exchange rates
* The [[money market]] is the name for the global market for lending and borrowing
* [[Futures market]]s, where contracts are exchanged regarding the future delivery of goods are often an outgrowth of general [[commodity market]]s
* [[Prediction market]]s are a type of speculative market in which the goods exchanged are futures on the occurrence of certain events; they apply the market dynamics to facilitate information aggregation
* [[Insurance]] markets
* [[Debt market]]s
There are also:
* Currency markets are used to trade one currency for another, and are often used for speculation on currency exchange rates
* The money market is the name for the global market for lending and borrowing
* Futures markets, where contracts are exchanged regarding the future delivery of goods are often an outgrowth of general commodity markets
* Prediction markets are a type of speculative market in which the goods exchanged are futures on the occurrence of certain events; they apply the market dynamics to facilitate information aggregation
* Insurance markets
* Debt markets
还有:
* 货币市场被用来交易一种货币换另一种货币，并且经常被用来对货币汇率进行投机
* 货币市场是全球借贷市场的名称
* 期货市场，在这里交换关于未来交付货物的合同通常是一般商品市场的产物
* 预测市场是一种投机市场，在这种市场中交换的货物是某些事件发生时的期货; 它们应用市场动态来促进信息聚合
* 保险市场
* 债务市场
=== Unauthorized and illegal markets ===
* [[Grey market]]s (parallel markets): is the trade of a commodity through distribution channels which, while legal, are unofficial, unauthorized, or unintended by the original manufacturer{{Citation needed|date=January 2015}}
* [[Black market|markets in illegal goods]] such as the market for [[Illegal drug trade|illicit drugs]], [[arms trafficking|illegal arms]], [[Copyright infringement|infringing products]], cigarettes sold to minors or [[Death of Eric Garner|untaxed cigarettes]] (in some jurisdictions), or the private sale of un[[pasteurized]] [[goat milk]]<ref name=ewot2014>
{{cite book |last1=Heyne|first1=Paul |last2=Boettke|first2=Peter J. |last3=Prychitko|first3=David L. |title=The Economic Way of Thinking |date=2014 |publisher=Pearson |isbn=978-0-13-299129-2 |pages=130–132 |edition=13th }}</ref>
* Grey markets (parallel markets): is the trade of a commodity through distribution channels which, while legal, are unofficial, unauthorized, or unintended by the original manufacturer
* markets in illegal goods such as the market for illicit drugs, illegal arms, infringing products, cigarettes sold to minors or untaxed cigarettes (in some jurisdictions), or the private sale of unpasteurized goat milk
* 灰色市场(平行市场) : 指通过分销渠道进行的商品贸易，这些渠道虽然合法，但是非官方、未经授权或原制造商无意进行的
* 非法商品市场，如非法药品市场、非法武器市场、侵权产品市场、卖给未成年人的香烟或未征税的香烟(在某些司法管辖区) ，或私人销售未经巴氏灭菌的山羊奶
== Mechanisms ==
[[File:Preziosi - Piaţă la Râmnicu Vâlcea.jpg|thumb|250px|A market in [[Râmnicu Vâlcea]] by Amedeo Preziosi]]
[[File:Vaclav Maly - Cabbage Market 060.jpg|thumb|250px|Cabbage market by Václav Malý]]
In economics, a market that runs under [[laissez-faire]] policies is called a [[free market]], it is "free" from the government, in the sense that the government makes no attempt to intervene through [[tax]]es, [[subsidy|subsidies]], [[minimum wage]]s, [[price ceiling]]s and so on. However, market prices may be distorted by a seller or sellers with [[monopoly]] power, or a buyer with [[monopsony]] power. Such price distortions can have an adverse effect on market participant's welfare and reduce the [[Pareto efficiency|efficiency]] of market outcomes. The relative level of organization and [[bargaining power|negotiating power]] of buyers and sellers also markedly affects the functioning of the market.
thumb|250px|Cabbage market by Václav Malý
In economics, a market that runs under laissez-faire policies is called a free market, it is "free" from the government, in the sense that the government makes no attempt to intervene through taxes, subsidies, minimum wages, price ceilings and so on. However, market prices may be distorted by a seller or sellers with monopoly power, or a buyer with monopsony power. Such price distortions can have an adverse effect on market participant's welfare and reduce the efficiency of market outcomes. The relative level of organization and negotiating power of buyers and sellers also markedly affects the functioning of the market.
在经济学中，一个在自由放任政策下运行的市场被称为自由市场，它是从政府手中“自由”的，在这个意义上，政府不会试图通过税收、补贴、最低工资、价格上限等手段进行干预。然而，市场价格可能被具有垄断权力的卖方或卖方，或具有垄断权力的买方所扭曲。这种价格扭曲会对市场参与者的福利产生不利影响，降低市场结果的效率。买卖双方的组织水平和谈判能力也显著影响市场的运作。
Markets are a [[system]] and systems have [[structure]]. The [[Market structure|structure]] of a well-functioning market is defined by the theory of [[perfect competition]]. Well-functioning markets of the real world are never perfect, but basic structural characteristics can be approximated for real world markets, for example:
* Many small buyers and sellers
* Buyers and sellers have equal access to information
* Products are comparable
Markets are a system and systems have structure. The structure of a well-functioning market is defined by the theory of perfect competition. Well-functioning markets of the real world are never perfect, but basic structural characteristics can be approximated for real world markets, for example:
* Many small buyers and sellers
* Buyers and sellers have equal access to information
* Products are comparable
市场是一个系统，系统是有结构的。运转良好的市场结构是由完全竞争理论所定义的。现实世界中运转良好的市场从来都不是完美的，但是基本的结构特征可以近似于现实世界的市场，例如:
* 许多小买家和卖家
* 买家和卖家有平等的机会获得信息
* 产品是可比较的
Markets where price negotiations meet equilibrium, but the equilibrium is not [[Pareto efficiency|efficient]] are said to experience [[market failure]]. Market failures are often associated with [[time-inconsistent preferences]], [[Information asymmetry|information asymmetries]], [[Market structure|non-perfectly competitive markets]], [[principal–agent problem]]s, [[externalities]], or [[public goods]]. Among the major negative externalities which can occur as a side effect of production and market exchange, are [[air pollution]] (side-effect of [[manufacturing]] and [[logistics]]) and [[environmental degradation]] (side-effect of [[farm]]ing and [[urbanization]]).
Markets where price negotiations meet equilibrium, but the equilibrium is not efficient are said to experience market failure. Market failures are often associated with time-inconsistent preferences, information asymmetries, non-perfectly competitive markets, principal–agent problems, externalities, or public goods. Among the major negative externalities which can occur as a side effect of production and market exchange, are air pollution (side-effect of manufacturing and logistics) and environmental degradation (side-effect of farming and urbanization).
价格谈判达到均衡，但均衡效率不高的市场称为市场失灵。市场失灵往往与时间不一致的偏好、信息不对称、不完全竞争市场、委托代理问题、外部性或公共产品有关。作为生产和市场交换的副作用，主要的负外部性包括空气污染(制造和物流的副作用)和生物可分解添加物(农业和城市化的副作用)。
There exists a popular thought, especially among [[economist]]s, that free markets would have a structure of a [[perfect competition]].{{Citation needed|date=March 2015}}<!-- this seems more of an idealized model in college economics textbooks, like frictionless motion in physics textbooks. need a cite that this idea is popular among particular economists. --> The logic behind this thought is that market failure is thought to be caused by other [[Exogeny|exogenic]] systems, and after removing those exogenic systems ("freeing" the markets) the free markets could run without market failures.{{Citation needed|date=March 2015}}<!-- is this other than the idealized markets for theoretical purposes? --> For a market to be competitive, there must be more than a single buyer or seller. It has been suggested that two people may trade, but it takes at least three persons to have a market so that there is competition in at least one of its two sides.<ref>{{cite book|last1=O'Sullivan|first1=Arthur|author-link=Arthur O'Sullivan (economist)|first2=Steven M.|last2=Sheffrin|author-link2=Steven M. Sheffrin|title=Economics: Principles in Action|publisher=Pearson Prentice Hall|year=2003|location=Upper Saddle River, New Jersey|page=28|isbn=978-0-13-063085-8}}</ref> However, competitive markets—as understood in formal economic theory—rely on much larger numbers of both buyers and sellers. A market with a single seller and multiple buyers is a [[monopoly]]. A market with a single buyer and multiple sellers is a [[monopsony]]. These are "the polar opposites of perfect competition".<ref>Robert S. Pindyck, Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Microeconomics, Pearson International Edition 2009</ref> As an argument against such logic, there is a second view that suggests that the source of market failures is inside the market system itself, therefore the removal of other interfering systems would not result in markets with a structure of perfect competition. As an analogy, such an argument may suggest that capitalists do not want to enhance the structure of markets, just like a [[coach (sport)|coach]] of a football team would influence the [[referee]]s or would break the [[Regulation of sport|rules]] if he could while he is pursuing his target of winning the game. Thus, according to this view, capitalists are not enhancing the balance of their team versus the team of [[consumer]]-[[Workforce|workers]], so the market system needs a "referee" from outside that balances the game. In this second framework, the role of a "referee" of the market system is usually to be given to a [[democracy|democratic]] government.
There exists a popular thought, especially among economists, that free markets would have a structure of a perfect competition. The logic behind this thought is that market failure is thought to be caused by other exogenic systems, and after removing those exogenic systems ("freeing" the markets) the free markets could run without market failures. For a market to be competitive, there must be more than a single buyer or seller. It has been suggested that two people may trade, but it takes at least three persons to have a market so that there is competition in at least one of its two sides. However, competitive markets—as understood in formal economic theory—rely on much larger numbers of both buyers and sellers. A market with a single seller and multiple buyers is a monopoly. A market with a single buyer and multiple sellers is a monopsony. These are "the polar opposites of perfect competition".Robert S. Pindyck, Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Microeconomics, Pearson International Edition 2009 As an argument against such logic, there is a second view that suggests that the source of market failures is inside the market system itself, therefore the removal of other interfering systems would not result in markets with a structure of perfect competition. As an analogy, such an argument may suggest that capitalists do not want to enhance the structure of markets, just like a coach of a football team would influence the referees or would break the rules if he could while he is pursuing his target of winning the game. Thus, according to this view, capitalists are not enhancing the balance of their team versus the team of consumer-workers, so the market system needs a "referee" from outside that balances the game. In this second framework, the role of a "referee" of the market system is usually to be given to a democratic government.
有一种流行的思想，特别是在经济学家中，认为自由市场将有一个完全竞争的结构。这一思想背后的逻辑是，市场失灵被认为是由其他外生系统造成的，在消除了这些外生系统(“释放”市场)之后，自由市场可以在没有市场失灵的情况下运行。为了使市场具有竞争力，必须有多个单一的买方或卖方。有人建议，两个人可以交易，但至少需要三个人才能拥有一个市场，这样，双方中至少有一方存在竞争。然而，正式的经济理论认为，竞争性市场依赖的买家和卖家数量要多得多。一个市场只有一个卖家和多个买家，这就是垄断。一个市场只有一个买家和多个卖家，这就是垄断。这是“完全竞争的两极对立”。罗伯特 · S · 品迪克(Robert S. Pindyck) ，丹尼尔 · L · 鲁宾菲尔德(Daniel L. Rubinfeld) ，微观经济学，皮尔逊国际版2009年作为反对这种逻辑的论点，还有一种观点认为，市场失灵的根源在于市场体系本身，因此，消除其他干扰体系不会导致市场具有完全竞争的结构。作为一个类比，这种论点可能表明，资本家不想改善市场结构，就好象足球队的教练在追求自己赢球的目标时，如果可以的话，就会影响裁判或打破规则一样。因此，根据这种观点，资本家并没有增强他们的团队与消费者劳动者团队之间的平衡，因此市场体系需要一个来自外部的“裁判”来平衡游戏。在第二个框架中，市场体系的“裁判”角色通常赋予民主政府。
== Research ==
[[File:Wet market in Singapore 2.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Wet market]] in [[Singapore]]]]
Disciplines such as [[sociology]], [[economic history]], [[economic geography]] and [[marketing]] developed novel understandings of markets<ref>{{cite journal |journal=The Marketing Review |year=2012 |volume=12 |issue=1 |pages=61–77 |title=Theories of markets: Insights from marketing and the sociology of markets |author=Diaz Ruiz, C.A. |doi=10.1362/146934712X13286274424316 }}</ref> studying actual existing markets made up of persons interacting in diverse ways in contrast to an abstract and all-encompassing concepts of "the market". The term "the market" is generally used in two ways:
# "The market" denotes the abstract mechanisms whereby supply and demand confront each other and deals are made; in its place, reference to markets reflects ordinary experience and the places, processes and institutions in which exchanges occurs<ref>Callon, M. (1998) "Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics." In The Laws of the Markets, edited by Michel Callon. Basic Blackwell/The Sociological Review pp. 1–57 1998, p.2).</ref>
# "The market" signifies an integrated, all-encompassing and cohesive capitalist world economy.
Disciplines such as sociology, economic history, economic geography and marketing developed novel understandings of markets studying actual existing markets made up of persons interacting in diverse ways in contrast to an abstract and all-encompassing concepts of "the market". The term "the market" is generally used in two ways:
# "The market" denotes the abstract mechanisms whereby supply and demand confront each other and deals are made; in its place, reference to markets reflects ordinary experience and the places, processes and institutions in which exchanges occursCallon, M. (1998) "Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics." In The Laws of the Markets, edited by Michel Callon. Basic Blackwell/The Sociological Review pp. 1–57 1998, p.2).
# "The market" signifies an integrated, all-encompassing and cohesive capitalist world economy.
社会学、经济历史学、经济地理学和市场营销学等学科发展了对市场的新理解，这些市场研究的是由不同方式相互作用的人组成的实际存在的市场，而不是一个抽象的、包罗万象的“市场”概念。术语“市场”通常有两种用法: # “市场”指的是供求相互对峙和交易发生的抽象机制; 取而代之的是，对市场的引用反映了普通经验以及交易发生的地点、过程和制度在市场法则，编辑米歇尔卡隆。基本的布莱克威尔社会学评论。1-571998年，第2页)。# “市场”意味着一个综合的、包罗万象的、有凝聚力的资本主义世界经济。
=== Economics ===
=== Economics ===
= = 经济学 = = =
==== Political economy ====
==== Political economy ====
= = = = 政治经济 = = = =
Economics used to be called [[political economy]], as [[Adam Smith]] defined it in [[The Wealth of Nations]]:<ref>A. Smith, [[The Wealth of Nations]], 1776, Book IV, Of systems of political economy</ref>
Economics used to be called political economy, as Adam Smith defined it in The Wealth of Nations:A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book IV, Of systems of political economy
经济学过去被称为政治经济学，正如亚当 · 斯密在《国富论》中所定义的那样: A · 斯密，《国富论》 ，1776年，第四卷，《政治经济学体系》
{{blockquote|Political economy, considered as a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects; first, to provide a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people, or, more properly, to enable them to provide such a [[revenue]] or subsistence for themselves; and, secondly, to supply the state or [[commonwealth]] with a revenue sufficient for the public services. It proposes to enrich both the people and the [[sovereign]].}}
[[File:FMIB 33025 Aberdeen Fish Market.jpeg|thumb|250px|[[Aberdeen]] ([[Scotland]]) fish market.]]
The earliest works of political economy are usually attributed to the British scholars Adam Smith, [[Thomas Malthus]], and [[David Ricardo]], although they were preceded by the work of the French physiocrats, such as [[François Quesnay]] (1694–1774) and [[Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot]] (1727–1781). Smith describes how exchange of goods arose:<ref>A. Smith, [[The Wealth of Nations]], 1776, Book I, Chapter II, Of the principle which gives occasion to the division of labour</ref>
The earliest works of political economy are usually attributed to the British scholars Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo, although they were preceded by the work of the French physiocrats, such as François Quesnay (1694–1774) and Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot (1727–1781). Smith describes how exchange of goods arose:A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book I, Chapter II, Of the principle which gives occasion to the division of labour
最早的政治经济学著作通常归功于英国学者亚当 · 斯密、托马斯 · 马尔萨斯和大卫 · 李嘉图，尽管他们之前有法国重农学家的著作，如弗朗索瓦·魁奈(1694-1774)和安妮-罗伯特-雅克 · 图尔戈(1727-1781)。史密斯描述了货物交换是如何产生的: A。史密斯，《国富论》 ，1776年，第一卷，第二章，关于劳动分工的原则
{{blockquote|"As it is by [[treaty]], by [[barter]], and by [[purchase]], that we obtain from one another the greater part of those mutual good offices which we stand in need of, so it is this same trucking disposition which originally gives occasion to the [[division of labour]]. In a [[tribe]] of [[hunter]]s or [[shepherds]], a particular person makes bows and arrows, for example, with more readiness and dexterity than any other. He frequently exchanges them for [[cattle]] or for venison, with his companions; and he finds at last that he can, in this manner, get more cattle and venison, than if he himself went to the field to catch them. From a regard to his own [[interest]], therefore, the making of bows and arrows grows to be his chief business, and he becomes a sort of [[armourer]]. Another excels in making the frames and covers of their little huts or moveable houses. He is accustomed to be of use in this way to his neighbours, who reward him in the same manner with cattle and with venison, till at last he finds it his interest to dedicate himself entirely to this employment, and to become a sort of house-[[carpenter]]. In the same manner a third becomes a [[Metalsmith|smith]] or a [[brazier]]; a fourth, a tanner or dresser of hides or skins, the principal part of the [[clothing]] of savages. And thus the certainty of being able to exchange all that [[Economic surplus|surplus]] part of the [[produce]] of his own labour, which is over and above his own [[consumption (economics)|consumption]], for such parts of the produce of other men's labour as he may have occasion for, encourages every man to apply himself to a particular occupation, and to cultivate and bring to perfection whatever talent of genius he may possess for that particular species of business."}}
[[File:Peru - in the market (8444386334).jpg|thumb|250px|Fish market in [[Peru]].]]
And explains how exchanged mediated by money came to dominate the market:<ref>A. Smith, [[The Wealth of Nations]], 1776, Book I, Chapter V, Of the real and nominal price of commodities, or of their price in labour, and their price of money</ref>
And explains how exchanged mediated by money came to dominate the market:A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book I, Chapter V, Of the real and nominal price of commodities, or of their price in labour, and their price of money
并解释了如何通过货币进行交换来支配市场: A · 史密斯，《国富论》 ，1776年，第一卷，第五章，商品的实际和名义价格，或者劳动力价格，以及货币价格
{{blockquote|"But when barter ceases, and money has become the common instrument of [[commerce]], every particular commodity is more frequently exchanged for money than for any other [[commodity]]. The [[butcher]] seldom carries his beef or his mutton to the baker or the brewer, in order to exchange them for bread or for beer; but he carries them to the market, where he exchanges them for money, and afterwards exchanges that money for [[bread]] and for [[beer]]. The [[quantity of money]] which he gets for them regulates, too, the quantity of bread and beer which he can afterwards purchase. It is more natural and obvious to him, therefore, to estimate their value by the quantity of money, the commodity for which he immediately exchanges them, than by that of bread and beer, the commodities for which he can exchange them only by the intervention of another commodity; and rather to say that his butcher's [[meat]] is worth three-pence or fourpence a-pound, than that it is worth three or four pounds of bread, or three or four quarts of small beer. Hence it comes to pass, that the exchangeable value of every commodity is more frequently estimated by the quantity of money, than by the quantity either of labour or of any other commodity which can be had in exchange for it."}}
==== Microeconomics ====
==== Microeconomics ====
= = = = 微观经济学 = = = =
{{main|Microeconomics}}
[[Microeconomics]] (from Greek prefix ''mikro''- meaning "small" and economics) is a branch of economics that studies the behavior of individuals and small impacting organizations in making decisions on the allocation of limited resources (see [[scarcity]]). On the other hand, macroeconomics (from the Greek prefix ''makro''- meaning "large" and economics) is a branch of economics dealing with the performance, structure, behavior and decision-making of an economy as a whole, rather than individual markets.
Microeconomics (from Greek prefix mikro- meaning "small" and economics) is a branch of economics that studies the behavior of individuals and small impacting organizations in making decisions on the allocation of limited resources (see scarcity). On the other hand, macroeconomics (from the Greek prefix makro- meaning "large" and economics) is a branch of economics dealing with the performance, structure, behavior and decision-making of an economy as a whole, rather than individual markets.
微观经济学(来自希腊语前缀 micro- 意思是“小”和经济学)是经济学的一个分支，研究个人和影响有限资源分配决策的小型组织的行为(见稀缺性)。另一方面，宏观经济学(来自希腊前缀 makro，意思是“大”和经济学)是经济学的一个分支，涉及整个经济的表现、结构、行为和决策，而不是单个市场。
=====Marginal revolution=====
=====Marginal revolution=====
= = = = 边际革命 = = = = = =
[[File:Afghan market teeming with vendors and shoppers 2-4-09.jpg|thumb|250px|An [[Afghanistan|Afghan]] market teeming with vendors and shoppers]]
The modern field of microeconomics arose as an effort of neoclassical economics school of thought to put economic ideas into mathematical mode. It began in the 19th century debates surrounding the works of [[Antoine Augustin Cournot]], [[William Stanley Jevons]], [[Carl Menger]] and [[Léon Walras]]—this period is usually denominated as the [[Marginalism|Marginal Revolution]]. A recurring theme of these debates was the contrast between the [[labor theory of value]] and the [[subjective theory of value]], the former being associated with classical economists such as [[Adam Smith]], [[David Ricardo]] and [[Karl Marx]] (Marx was a contemporary of the marginalists). A labour theory of value can be understood as a theory that argues that economic value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labour time while a subjective theory of value derives economic value from subjective preferences, usually by specifying a [[utility function]] in accordance with [[Utilitarianism|utilitarian philosophy]].
The modern field of microeconomics arose as an effort of neoclassical economics school of thought to put economic ideas into mathematical mode. It began in the 19th century debates surrounding the works of Antoine Augustin Cournot, William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger and Léon Walras—this period is usually denominated as the Marginal Revolution. A recurring theme of these debates was the contrast between the labor theory of value and the subjective theory of value, the former being associated with classical economists such as Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx (Marx was a contemporary of the marginalists). A labour theory of value can be understood as a theory that argues that economic value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labour time while a subjective theory of value derives economic value from subjective preferences, usually by specifying a utility function in accordance with utilitarian philosophy.
现代微观经济学领域的兴起，是新古典主义经济学学派将经济学思想转化为数学模式的一种努力。它始于19世纪围绕安托万·奥古斯丁·库尔诺、威廉·斯坦利·杰文斯、卡尔•门格尔(Carl Menger)和莱昂•瓦尔拉斯(leon walras)作品展开的辩论ーー这一时期通常被称为“边缘革命”。这些争论中反复出现的一个主题是劳动价值论与价值的主观理论之间的对比，前者与亚当•斯密、大卫•里卡多和卡尔•马克思(马克思与边缘主义者同时代)等古典经济学家有关。劳动价值论可以理解为一种理论，认为经济价值是由社会必要的劳动时间决定的，而价值的主观理论则从主观偏好中获得经济价值，通常是通过按照功利主义哲学规定一个效用函数。
In his ''[[Principles of Economics (Marshall book)|Principles of Economics]]'' (1890),<ref name="Marshall 1890">A. Marshall, ''Principles of Economics'', 1890</ref> [[Alfred Marshall]] presented a possible solution to this problem, using the [[supply and demand]] model. Marshall's idea of solving the controversy was that the [[demand curve]] could be derived by aggregating individual consumer demand curves, which were themselves based on the consumer problem of maximizing [[utility]]. The [[supply curve]] could be derived by superimposing a representative firm supply curves for the [[factors of production]] and then [[market equilibrium]] (economic equivalent of [[mechanical equilibrium]]) would be given by the intersection of demand and supply curves. He also introduced the notion of different market periods: mainly [[long run and short run]]. This set of ideas gave way to what economists call [[perfect competition]]—now found in the standard microeconomics texts, even though Marshall himself was highly skeptical it could be used as general model of all markets.
In his Principles of Economics (1890),A. Marshall, Principles of Economics, 1890 Alfred Marshall presented a possible solution to this problem, using the supply and demand model. Marshall's idea of solving the controversy was that the demand curve could be derived by aggregating individual consumer demand curves, which were themselves based on the consumer problem of maximizing utility. The supply curve could be derived by superimposing a representative firm supply curves for the factors of production and then market equilibrium (economic equivalent of mechanical equilibrium) would be given by the intersection of demand and supply curves. He also introduced the notion of different market periods: mainly long run and short run. This set of ideas gave way to what economists call perfect competition—now found in the standard microeconomics texts, even though Marshall himself was highly skeptical it could be used as general model of all markets.
在他的经济学原理(1890年) ，A。马歇尔，经济学原理，1890年阿尔弗雷德马歇尔提出了一个可能的解决方案，这个问题，使用供给和需求模型。马歇尔解决这一争议的想法是，需求曲线可以通过聚合个体消费者需求曲线得出，这些曲线本身就是基于消费者效用最大化的问题。供给曲线可以通过为生产要素叠加一个有代表性的企业供给曲线得到，然后通过需求和供给曲线的交点给出市场平衡(经济等价于力学平衡)。他还介绍了不同市场时期的概念: 主要是长期和短期。这套理论让位于经济学家所谓的完全竞争(perfect 爭) ，这种理论现在可以在标准的微观经济学教科书中找到，尽管马歇尔本人对这种理论能否被用作所有市场的一般模型表示高度怀疑。
=====Market structure=====
=====Market structure=====
= = = = = = 市场结构 = = = = =
[[File:Ul mercò dal lunedi.JPG|thumb|250px|Monday market in [[Portovenere]], [[Italy]]]]
[[File:Wetherby Market (13th May 2010) 002.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Wetherby]] ([[England]]) town's market]]
[[File:MercadodeGomez.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Gómez Palacio, Durango|Gómez Palacio]] city's municipal market]]
Opposed to the model of perfect competition, some models of [[imperfect competition]] were proposed:
* The [[monopoly]] model, already considered by marginalist economists, describes a profit maximizing capitalist facing a market [[demand curve]] with no competitors, who may practice [[price discrimination]].
* Oligopoly is a [[market form]] in which a market or industry is dominated by a small number of sellers. The oldest model was the spring water [[duopoly]] of [[Antoine Augustin Cournot|Cournot]] (1838) <ref>A. Cournot, Researches into the mathematical principles of the theory of wealth, 1838 https://archive.org/details/researchesintom00fishgoog</ref> in which equilibrium is determined by the duopolists [[Best response|reactions functions]]. It was criticized by [[Harold Hotelling]] for its instability, by [[Joseph Bertrand]] for lacking equilibrium for prices as independent variables.
* [[Monopolistic competition]] is a type of imperfect competition such that many producers sell products that are differentiated from one another (e.g., by branding or quality) and hence are not perfect substitutes. In monopolistic competition, a firm takes the prices charged by its rivals as given and ignores the impact of its own prices on the prices of other firms. The "founding father" of the theory of monopolistic competition is [[Edward Hastings Chamberlin]], who wrote a pioneering book on the subject, ''Theory of Monopolistic Competition'' (1933). [[Joan Robinson]] published a book called ''The Economics of Imperfect Competition'' with a comparable theme of distinguishing perfect from imperfect competition. Chamberlin defined monopolistic competition as "challenge to traditional viewpoint of economics that competition and monopoly are alternatives and that individual prices are to be explained in terms of one or the other". He continues: "By contrast it is held that most economic situations are composite of both competition and monopoly, and that, wherever this is the case, a false view is given by neglecting either one of the two forces and regarding the situation as made up entirely of the other".<ref>{{cite journal |first=E.H. |last=Chamberlin |title=Monopolistic or Imperfect Competition? |journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=51 |issue=4 |pages=557–580 |year=1937 |doi=10.2307/1881679 |jstor=1881679 }}</ref> Hotelling built a model of market located over a line with two sellers in each extreme of the line, in this case maximizing profit for both sellers leads to a stable equilibrium. From this model also follows that if a seller is to choose the location of his store so as to maximize his profit, he will place his store the closest to his competitor as "the sharper competition with his rival is offset by the greater number of buyers he has an advantage".<ref>{{cite journal |last=Hotteling |first=H. |title=Stability in Competition |journal=[[The Economic Journal]] |volume=39 |issue=153 |year=1929 |pages=41–57 |jstor=2224214 |doi=10.2307/2224214 }}</ref> He also argues that clustering of stores is wasteful from the point of view of transportation costs and that public interest would dictate more spatial dispersion.
* [[William Baumol]] provided in his 1977 paper<ref>{{cite journal |last=Baumol |first=William J. |year=1977 |title=On the Proper Cost Tests for Natural Monopoly in a Multiproduct Industry |journal=[[American Economic Review]] |volume=67 |issue=5 |pages=809–822 |jstor=1828065 }}</ref> the current formal definition of a [[natural monopoly]] where “an industry in which multifirm production is more costly than production by a monopoly”.
* Baumol defined a [[contestable market]] in his 1982 paper<ref>Baumol W., Contestable Markets: An Uprising in the Theory of Industry Structure, American Economic Review vol 72 pp. 1-15 1982 http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/research/readings/baumol-contestable.pdf</ref> as a market where "entry is absolutely free and exit absolutely costless", freedom of entry in [[George Stigler|Stigler]] sense: the incumbent has no cost discrimination against entrants. He states that a contestable market will never have an economic profit greater than zero when in equilibrium and the equilibrium will also be [[Efficiency|efficient]]. According to Baumol, this equilibrium emerges [[endogenous variable|endogenously]] due to the nature of contestable markets; that is, the only industry structure that survives in the long run is the one which minimizes total costs. This is in contrast to the older theory of industry structure since not only is industry structure not [[exogenous variable|exogenously]] given, but equilibrium is reached without an ad hoc hypothesis on the behavior of firms, say using reaction functions in a duopoly. He concludes the paper commenting that regulators that seek to impede entry and/or exit of firms would do better to not interfere if the market in question resembles a contestable market.
Opposed to the model of perfect competition, some models of imperfect competition were proposed:
* The monopoly model, already considered by marginalist economists, describes a profit maximizing capitalist facing a market demand curve with no competitors, who may practice price discrimination.
* Oligopoly is a market form in which a market or industry is dominated by a small number of sellers. The oldest model was the spring water duopoly of Cournot (1838) A. Cournot, Researches into the mathematical principles of the theory of wealth, 1838 https://archive.org/details/researchesintom00fishgoog in which equilibrium is determined by the duopolists reactions functions. It was criticized by Harold Hotelling for its instability, by Joseph Bertrand for lacking equilibrium for prices as independent variables.
* Monopolistic competition is a type of imperfect competition such that many producers sell products that are differentiated from one another (e.g., by branding or quality) and hence are not perfect substitutes. In monopolistic competition, a firm takes the prices charged by its rivals as given and ignores the impact of its own prices on the prices of other firms. The "founding father" of the theory of monopolistic competition is Edward Hastings Chamberlin, who wrote a pioneering book on the subject, Theory of Monopolistic Competition (1933). Joan Robinson published a book called The Economics of Imperfect Competition with a comparable theme of distinguishing perfect from imperfect competition. Chamberlin defined monopolistic competition as "challenge to traditional viewpoint of economics that competition and monopoly are alternatives and that individual prices are to be explained in terms of one or the other". He continues: "By contrast it is held that most economic situations are composite of both competition and monopoly, and that, wherever this is the case, a false view is given by neglecting either one of the two forces and regarding the situation as made up entirely of the other". Hotelling built a model of market located over a line with two sellers in each extreme of the line, in this case maximizing profit for both sellers leads to a stable equilibrium. From this model also follows that if a seller is to choose the location of his store so as to maximize his profit, he will place his store the closest to his competitor as "the sharper competition with his rival is offset by the greater number of buyers he has an advantage". He also argues that clustering of stores is wasteful from the point of view of transportation costs and that public interest would dictate more spatial dispersion.
* William Baumol provided in his 1977 paper the current formal definition of a natural monopoly where “an industry in which multifirm production is more costly than production by a monopoly”.
* Baumol defined a contestable market in his 1982 paperBaumol W., Contestable Markets: An Uprising in the Theory of Industry Structure, American Economic Review vol 72 pp. 1-15 1982 http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/research/readings/baumol-contestable.pdf as a market where "entry is absolutely free and exit absolutely costless", freedom of entry in Stigler sense: the incumbent has no cost discrimination against entrants. He states that a contestable market will never have an economic profit greater than zero when in equilibrium and the equilibrium will also be efficient. According to Baumol, this equilibrium emerges endogenously due to the nature of contestable markets; that is, the only industry structure that survives in the long run is the one which minimizes total costs. This is in contrast to the older theory of industry structure since not only is industry structure not exogenously given, but equilibrium is reached without an ad hoc hypothesis on the behavior of firms, say using reaction functions in a duopoly. He concludes the paper commenting that regulators that seek to impede entry and/or exit of firms would do better to not interfere if the market in question resembles a contestable market.
与完全竞争模型相反，一些不完全竞争模型被提出:
* 垄断模型，已经被边缘化的经济学家考虑，描述了一个利润最大化的资本家面对没有竞争者的市场需求曲线，他们可能实行价格歧视。
* 寡头垄断是一种市场形式，其中一个市场或行业由少数卖方主导。最古老的模型是古诺的泉水双寡头垄断(1838年)古诺，财富理论的数学原理研究，1838年的 https://archive.org/details/researchesintom00fishgoog 中，均衡是由双寡头反应函数决定的。哈罗德·霍特林批评它不稳定，约瑟夫•伯特兰(Joseph Bertrand)批评它缺乏价格作为独立变量的均衡。
* 垄断性竞争是一种不完全竞争，许多生产商销售的产品彼此不同(例如，品牌或质量) ，因此不是完美的替代品。在垄断性竞争中，一家公司将竞争对手收取的价格视为已知，而忽略了自身价格对其他公司价格的影响。垄断性竞争理论的“创始人”是爱德华·钱柏林，他写了一本关于垄断性竞争理论的开创性著作(1933年)。琼 · 罗宾逊出版了一本名为《不完全竞争的经济学》的书，书中有一个类似的主题，即区分完美与不完全竞争。张伯伦将垄断性竞争定义为“对传统经济学观点的挑战，这种观点认为，竞争和垄断是另一种选择，个人价格应该用其中一种来解释”。他继续说: “相比之下，人们认为大多数经济形势是竞争和垄断的复合体，而且，无论在哪种情况下，忽视这两种力量中的任何一种，并认为形势完全由另一种力量组成，都是错误的观点。”。霍特林建立了一个位于一条线上的市场模型，在这条线的每个极端都有两个卖家，在这种情况下，两个卖家的利润最大化导致了一个稳定的均衡。从这个模型还可以看出，如果一个卖家为了获得最大的利润而选择他的店铺的位置，他将把他的店铺放在离他的竞争对手最近的地方，因为“与他的竞争对手的更激烈的竞争被他拥有优势的更多的买家所抵消”。他还认为，从运输成本的角度来看，商店集中是一种浪费，公共利益将决定更多的空间分散。
* 威廉•鲍莫尔(William Baumol)在其1977年的论文中提供了目前对自然垄断的正式定义，即“多公司生产比垄断生产成本更高的行业”。
* 鲍莫尔在他1982年的论文《可竞争的市场: 产业结构理论的起义》中定义了一个可竞争市场，《美国经济评论》72页。1-151982年的 http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/research/readings/baumol-contestable.pdf 是“进入是绝对自由的，退出是绝对无成本的”，在斯蒂格勒意义上的进入自由: 现任者对进入者没有成本歧视。他指出，在均衡状态下，可竞争市场的经济利润永远不会大于零，而均衡状态也是有效的。鲍莫尔认为，这种均衡是可竞争市场的本质造成的，也就是说，从长远来看，唯一生存下来的产业结构是总成本最小化的产业结构。这与旧的产业结构理论形成了鲜明对比，因为产业结构不仅不是外生的，而且在企业行为上也没有特例假设，比如在双寡头垄断中使用反应函数，就可以达到均衡。他在论文中总结道，如果有关市场类似于可竞争市场，那么试图阻碍企业进入和/或退出的监管机构最好不要干预。
=====Market failure=====
=====Market failure=====
= = = = = 市场失灵 = = = = =
[[File:Morel's used cars - geograph.org.uk - 437167.jpg|250px|thumb|[[Used car]]s market: due to presence of fundamental asymmetrical information between seller and buyer the market equilibrium is not efficient—in the language of economists it is a [[market failure]]]]
Around the 1970s the study of [[market failure]]s came into focus with the study of [[information asymmetry]]. In particular, three authors emerged from this period: Akerlof, Spence and Stiglitz. [[Akerlof]] considered the problem of bad quality cars driving good quality cars out of the market in his classic "[[The Market for Lemons]]" (1970) because of the presence of asymmetrical information between buyers and sellers.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Akerlof |first=George A. |year=1970 |title=The Market for 'Lemons': Quality Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism |journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=84 |issue=3 |pages=488–500 |doi=10.2307/1879431 |jstor=1879431 }}</ref> [[Michael Spence]] explained that signaling was fundamental in the labour market since employers can't know beforehand which candidate is the most productive, a college degree becomes a signaling device that a firm uses to select new personnel.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Spence |first=A. M. |year=1973 |title=Job Market Signaling |journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=87 |issue=3 |pages=355–374 |jstor=1882010 | doi = 10.2307/1882010 }}</ref> [[Stiglitz]] provided some general conditions under which market equilibrium is not [[Pareto efficiency|efficient]]: presence of [[externalities]], imperfect information and [[incomplete market]]s.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Greenwald |first1=Bruce |first2=Joseph E. |last2=Stiglitz |title= Externalities in Economies with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets|journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=101 |issue=2 |year=1986 |pages=229–264 |doi=10.2307/1891114 |jstor=1891114 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
Around the 1970s the study of market failures came into focus with the study of information asymmetry. In particular, three authors emerged from this period: Akerlof, Spence and Stiglitz. Akerlof considered the problem of bad quality cars driving good quality cars out of the market in his classic "The Market for Lemons" (1970) because of the presence of asymmetrical information between buyers and sellers. Michael Spence explained that signaling was fundamental in the labour market since employers can't know beforehand which candidate is the most productive, a college degree becomes a signaling device that a firm uses to select new personnel. Stiglitz provided some general conditions under which market equilibrium is not efficient: presence of externalities, imperfect information and incomplete markets.
大约在20世纪70年代，对市场失灵的研究随着对信息不对称的研究而成为焦点。特别值得一提的是，这一时期涌现出三位作家: 阿克洛夫、斯宾塞和斯蒂格利茨。阿克洛夫在他的经典作品《柠檬市场》(1970)中考虑了劣质汽车将优质汽车挤出市场的问题，因为买家和卖家之间存在信息不对称。Michael Spence 解释说，信号在劳动力市场中是最基本的，因为雇主不能事先知道哪个候选人的工作效率最高，所以大学学位就成了公司用来选择新员工的信号装置。斯蒂格利茨提供了市场均衡非有效的一般条件: 存在外部性、不完全信息和不完全市场。
=====State interference=====
=====State interference=====
= = = = = = 国家干涉 = = = = =
[[C. B. Macpherson]] identifies an underlying model of the market underlying Anglo-American liberal democratic political economy and philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: persons are cast as self-interested individuals, who enter into contractual relations with other such individuals, concerning the exchange of goods or personal capacities cast as commodities, with the motive of maximizing [[pecuniary]] interest. The state and its governance systems are cast as outside of this framework.<ref>MacPherson, C.B. (1962) ''The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: From Hobbes to Locke''. Oxford Clarendon Press. p.3</ref> This model came to dominant economic thinking in the later nineteenth century, as so called liberal economists such as [[David Ricardo|Ricardo]], [[James Mill|Mill]], [[William Stanley Jevons|Jevons]], [[Léon Walras|Walras]] and later neo-classical economics shifted from reference to geographically located marketplaces to an abstract "market".<ref>Swedberg, 1994, p. 258</ref> This tradition is continued in contemporary [[neoliberalism]] epitomised by the [[Mont Pelerin Society]] which gathered [[Frederick Hayek]], [[Ludwig von Mises]], [[Milton Friedman]] and [[Karl Popper]], where the market is held up as optimal for wealth creation and human freedom and the states' role imagined as minimal, reduced to that of upholding and keeping stable property rights, contract and money supply. According to [[David Harvey]], this allowed for boilerplate economic and institutional restructuring under [[structural adjustment]] and post-Communist reconstruction.<ref>Harvey, David (2005) ''A Short History of Neoliberalism'' Oxford University Press.</ref> Similar formalism occurs in a wide variety of [[social democratic]] and [[Marxist]] discourses that situate political action as antagonistic to the market. [[György Lukács]], a founder of [[Western Marxism]] insists that market relations necessarily lead to undue exploitation of labour and so need to be opposed ''in toto''.<ref>Lukács, György. (1971) ''History and Class Consciousness''. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. Merlin Press. London. p. 87</ref>
C. B. Macpherson identifies an underlying model of the market underlying Anglo-American liberal democratic political economy and philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: persons are cast as self-interested individuals, who enter into contractual relations with other such individuals, concerning the exchange of goods or personal capacities cast as commodities, with the motive of maximizing pecuniary interest. The state and its governance systems are cast as outside of this framework.MacPherson, C.B. (1962) The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: From Hobbes to Locke. Oxford Clarendon Press. p.3 This model came to dominant economic thinking in the later nineteenth century, as so called liberal economists such as Ricardo, Mill, Jevons, Walras and later neo-classical economics shifted from reference to geographically located marketplaces to an abstract "market".Swedberg, 1994, p. 258 This tradition is continued in contemporary neoliberalism epitomised by the Mont Pelerin Society which gathered Frederick Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Milton Friedman and Karl Popper, where the market is held up as optimal for wealth creation and human freedom and the states' role imagined as minimal, reduced to that of upholding and keeping stable property rights, contract and money supply. According to David Harvey, this allowed for boilerplate economic and institutional restructuring under structural adjustment and post-Communist reconstruction.Harvey, David (2005) A Short History of Neoliberalism Oxford University Press. Similar formalism occurs in a wide variety of social democratic and Marxist discourses that situate political action as antagonistic to the market. György Lukács, a founder of Western Marxism insists that market relations necessarily lead to undue exploitation of labour and so need to be opposed in toto.Lukács, György. (1971) History and Class Consciousness. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. Merlin Press. London. p. 87
C. B. Macpherson 指出了十七和十八世纪英美自由民主政治经济学和哲学的市场基本模式: 人被塑造成自私自利的个人，与其他这类个人订立契约关系，交换货物或个人能力被塑造成商品，其动机是使金钱利益最大化。国家及其治理体系被置于这个框架之外。(1962)所有者个人主义的政治理论: 从霍布斯到洛克。牛津克拉伦登出版社。这种模式在19世纪后期占据了经济思想的主导地位，所谓的自由主义经济学家，如李嘉图、密尔、杰文斯、瓦尔拉斯，以及后来的新古典主义经济学，从提及地理位置的市场转向抽象的“市场”。斯韦德伯格，1994，第258页这一传统在当代新自由主义中得以延续，当代新自由主义的朝圣山学社集中体现在弗雷德里克•哈耶克(Frederick Hayek)、路德维希·冯·米塞斯、米尔顿•弗里德曼(Milton Friedman)和卡尔•波普尔(Karl Popper)等人的共同努力下，市场被认为是财富创造和人类自由的最佳选择，而国家的角色被认为是最小的，沦落为维护和保持稳定的产权、合同和货币供应。大卫•哈维(David Harvey)认为，这就允许在结构调整和后共产主义重建时期进行模式化的经济和体制重组。哈维，大卫(2005)新自由主义简史牛津大学出版社。类似的形式主义出现在各种各样的社会民主主义和马克思主义论述中，这些论述将政治行动定位为与市场对立的。西方马克思主义的创始人 György Lukács 坚持认为，市场关系必然导致劳动力的过度剥削，因此需要彻底反对。卢卡奇，吉尔吉。历史与阶级意识(1971)。翻译。Rodney Livingstone.梅林出版社。伦敦。P. 87
A central theme of empirical analyses is the variation and proliferation of types of markets since the rise of capitalism and global scale economies. The [[Regulation school]] stresses the ways in which developed capitalist countries have implemented varying degrees and types of environmental, economic and social regulation, taxation and public spending, fiscal policy and government provisioning of goods, all of which have transformed markets in uneven and geographical varied ways and created a variety of mixed economies.
A central theme of empirical analyses is the variation and proliferation of types of markets since the rise of capitalism and global scale economies. The Regulation school stresses the ways in which developed capitalist countries have implemented varying degrees and types of environmental, economic and social regulation, taxation and public spending, fiscal policy and government provisioning of goods, all of which have transformed markets in uneven and geographical varied ways and created a variety of mixed economies.
实证分析的一个中心主题是，自资本主义和全球规模经济兴起以来，市场类型的变化和扩散。管理学派强调发达资本主义国家实施不同程度和类型的环境、经济和社会管理、税收和公共支出、财政政策和政府提供商品的方式，所有这些都以不平衡和地域不同的方式改变了市场，创造了各种混合经济。
====Economic coordination====
====Economic coordination====
= = = = 经济协调 = = = =
Drawing on concepts of institutional variance and [[path dependence]], varieties of capitalism theorists (such as Peter Hall and [[David Soskice]]) identify two dominant modes of economic ordering in the developed capitalist countries:
Drawing on concepts of institutional variance and path dependence, varieties of capitalism theorists (such as Peter Hall and David Soskice) identify two dominant modes of economic ordering in the developed capitalist countries:
利用制度变迁和路径依赖的概念，各种资本主义理论家(如彼得•霍尔(Peter Hall)和大卫•索斯基斯(David Soskice))确定了发达资本主义国家的两种主要经济秩序模式:
*Coordinated market economies (such as [[Germany]] and [[Japan]]) based on relational or incomplete contracting, [[network monitoring]] based on the exchange of [[private information]] inside networks, and more reliance on collaborative, as opposed to competitive, relationships to build the competencies of the firm
*Anglo-American liberal market economies: firms coordinate their activities primarily via hierarchies and competitive market arrangements.
*Coordinated market economies (such as Germany and Japan) based on relational or incomplete contracting, network monitoring based on the exchange of private information inside networks, and more reliance on collaborative, as opposed to competitive, relationships to build the competencies of the firm
*Anglo-American liberal market economies: firms coordinate their activities primarily via hierarchies and competitive market arrangements.
* 协调的市场经济(如德国和日本)基于关系或不完全的合同，基于网络内部私人信息交换的网络监控，更多地依靠合作而不是竞争关系来建立企业的竞争力
* 英美自由市场经济: 企业主要通过等级制度和竞争性市场安排来协调其活动。
[[File:Coal power plant Datteln 2 Crop1.png|thumb|250px|A coal power plant in [[Datteln]]—[[emissions trading]] or [[cap and trade]] is a market-based approach used to control pollution by providing economic incentives for achieving reductions in the emissions of pollutants]]
However, such approaches imply that the Anglo-American liberal market economies in fact operate in a matter close to the abstract notion of "the market". While Anglo-American countries have seen increasing introduction of neo-liberal forms of economic ordering, this has not led to simple convergence, but rather a variety of hybrid institutional orderings.<ref>Peck, supra, p. 154)</ref> Rather, a variety of new markets have emerged, such as for [[carbon trading]] or rights to pollute. In some cases, such as emerging markets for water in [[England]] and [[Wales]], different forms of neoliberalism have been tried: moving from the state hydraulic model associated with concepts of universal provision and [[public service]] to [[market environmentalism]] associated with pricing of environmental externalities to reduce [[environmental degradation]] and efficient allocation of water resources. In this case liberalization has multiple meanings:
*[[Privatization]]: change of ownership from state monopoly to private hands
*[[Commercialization]]: pursuing efficiency, cost-benefit analysis and profit maximization by introducing prices in comparison with the bill system proportional to property value
*[[Commodification]]: standardization, pricing to address water scarcity according to the [[Dublin principles]] and the [[Hague]] declaration
However, such approaches imply that the Anglo-American liberal market economies in fact operate in a matter close to the abstract notion of "the market". While Anglo-American countries have seen increasing introduction of neo-liberal forms of economic ordering, this has not led to simple convergence, but rather a variety of hybrid institutional orderings.Peck, supra, p. 154) Rather, a variety of new markets have emerged, such as for carbon trading or rights to pollute. In some cases, such as emerging markets for water in England and Wales, different forms of neoliberalism have been tried: moving from the state hydraulic model associated with concepts of universal provision and public service to market environmentalism associated with pricing of environmental externalities to reduce environmental degradation and efficient allocation of water resources. In this case liberalization has multiple meanings:
*Privatization: change of ownership from state monopoly to private hands
*Commercialization: pursuing efficiency, cost-benefit analysis and profit maximization by introducing prices in comparison with the bill system proportional to property value
*Commodification: standardization, pricing to address water scarcity according to the Dublin principles and the Hague declaration
然而，这种做法意味着，英美自由市场经济体实际上是在一个类似于“市场”这一抽象概念的环境中运作的。尽管英美国家越来越多地引入了新自由主义形式的经济秩序，但这并没有导致简单的趋同，而是导致了各种混合的制度秩序。相反，各种各样的新市场已经出现，比如碳交易或者污染权利。在某些情况下，例如英格兰和威尔士的新兴水市场，尝试了不同形式的新自由主义: 从与普遍提供和公共服务概念相关的国家水力模式，转向与环境外部性定价相关的市场环境保护主义，以减少生物可分解添加物和有效分配水资源。在这种情况下，自由化有多重含义:
* 私有化: 所有权从国家垄断转移到私人手中
* 商业化: 通过引入与财产价值成比例的价格体系来追求效率、成本-收益分析和利润最大化。
* 商业化: 根据都柏林原则和海牙宣言，通过标准化、定价来解决水资源短缺问题
In a period of fiscal and ideological crisis, [[state failure]] is seen as the catalyst for liberalization, however the failure in assuring [[water quality]] can bee seen as a driver for economic and ecological reregulation (in this case coming from the [[European Union]]). More broadly the idea of a water market failure can seen as the explanation for state intervention, generating a natural monopoly of hydraulic infrastructure and the regulation of externalities such as [[water pollution]]. The situation however is not that simple, as the regulator may have the duty of introducing competition, which can be:
*Direct competition or product competition
*Surrogate competition
*Competition for corporate control by mergers and takeovers
*Procurement competition
*Frachising
In a period of fiscal and ideological crisis, state failure is seen as the catalyst for liberalization, however the failure in assuring water quality can bee seen as a driver for economic and ecological reregulation (in this case coming from the European Union). More broadly the idea of a water market failure can seen as the explanation for state intervention, generating a natural monopoly of hydraulic infrastructure and the regulation of externalities such as water pollution. The situation however is not that simple, as the regulator may have the duty of introducing competition, which can be:
*Direct competition or product competition
*Surrogate competition
*Competition for corporate control by mergers and takeovers
*Procurement competition
*Frachising
在一个财政和意识形态危机的时期，国家的失败被视为自由化的催化剂，然而，在确保水质方面的失败可以被视为经济和生态重新调整的驱动力(在这种情况下来自欧盟)。从更广泛的意义上讲，水市场失灵可以被视为国家干预的解释，从而形成了对水利基础设施的自然垄断，并对水污染等外部因素进行了监管。然而，情况并非如此简单，因为监管机构可能有责任引入竞争，这些竞争可以是:
* 直接竞争或产品竞争
* 代理竞争
* 合并及收购争取公司控制权
* 采购竞争
* 特许经营
Introduction of [[Water metering|metering]] can result in both restriction and increase of consumption with [[Marginal cost#Long run marginal cost|LRMC]] pricing being the regulator ([[Ofwat]]) preferred methodology.<ref>Bakker, Karen (2005) "[http://sgpwe.izt.uam.mx/files/users/uami/citla/Lecturas_Temas_selecto_IV_AGUA/Bakker_Karen_2007_Neoliberalising_Market_of_water_supply.pdf Neoliberalizing Nature?: Market Environmentalism in water supply in England and Wales]" ''Annals of the Association of American Geographers'' 95 (3), 542–565</ref>
Introduction of metering can result in both restriction and increase of consumption with LRMC pricing being the regulator (Ofwat) preferred methodology.Bakker, Karen (2005) "Neoliberalizing Nature?: Market Environmentalism in water supply in England and Wales" Annals of the Association of American Geographers 95 (3), 542–565
引入计量可以导致限制和增加消费，LRMC 定价是监管机构(Ofwat)首选的方法。巴克，凯伦(2005)“新自由主义的自然？: 英格兰和威尔士供水市场环境保护主义”美国地理学家协会年鉴95(3) ，542-565
=== Marketing ===
{{main|Marketing}}
====Market distribution====
====Market distribution====
= = = = 市场分布 = = = =
Paul Dulaney Converse and Fred M. Jones wrote:<ref>Converse, Paul Dulaney and Jones, Fred M. (1948). Introduction to Marketing - Principles of Wholesale and Retail Distribution. Prentice-Hall</ref>
Paul Dulaney Converse and Fred M. Jones wrote:Converse, Paul Dulaney and Jones, Fred M. (1948). Introduction to Marketing - Principles of Wholesale and Retail Distribution. Prentice-Hall
保罗 · 杜兰尼 · 匡威和弗雷德 · 琼斯写道: 匡威，保罗 · 杜兰尼和琼斯，弗雷德 · M (1948)。市场营销导论-批发与零售配送原则。Prentice-Hall
{{blockquote|Market distribution includes those activities which create place, time, and possession utilities. To the economist, market distribution is therefore part of production because it deals with the creation of utilities, and “distribution” refers to the distribution of wealth among the members of society. The businessman, however, thinks of distribution as selling his goods and getting them into the hands of the consumer. To the businessman, “distribution” means marketing—selling and transportation.}}
The methods of studying marketing are:
*Functional approach: services or functions performed, what goods they are performed upon, what middlemen perform them
*Commodity approach: what goods are marketed, what function are performed on them, what middlemen perform these functions
*Institutional approach: what institutions, or middlemen, are engaged in distribution, what functions they perform, what good they handle
The methods of studying marketing are:
*Functional approach: services or functions performed, what goods they are performed upon, what middlemen perform them
*Commodity approach: what goods are marketed, what function are performed on them, what middlemen perform these functions
*Institutional approach: what institutions, or middlemen, are engaged in distribution, what functions they perform, what good they handle
研究市场营销的方法有:
* 功能性方法: 服务或功能的执行，它们是在什么商品上执行的，什么中间商执行它们
* 商品性方法: 什么商品在市场上销售，什么功能在它们上面执行，什么中间商执行这些功能
* 制度性方法: 什么机构，或中间商，从事分销，它们执行什么功能，它们处理什么好
[[File:PerceptualMap1.png|thumb|250px|[[Perceptual mapping]] is a diagrammatic technique used by [[marketers]] that attempts to visually display the perceptions of [[customer]]s or potential customers and the position of a [[Product (business)|product]], [[product line]], [[brand]], or [[company]] is typically displayed relative to their competition]]
Businesses market their products/services to a specific [[Market segmentation|segments]] of [[consumers]]: the defining factors of the markets are determined by demographics, interests and age/gender. A small market is a [[niche market]], while a big market is a [[mass market]]. A form of expansion is to enter a new market and sell/advertise to a different set of users.
Businesses market their products/services to a specific segments of consumers: the defining factors of the markets are determined by demographics, interests and age/gender. A small market is a niche market, while a big market is a mass market. A form of expansion is to enter a new market and sell/advertise to a different set of users.
企业向特定的消费者群体推销其产品/服务: 市场的决定性因素由人口统计学、兴趣和年龄/性别决定。小市场是利基市场，大市场是大众市场。扩张的一种形式是进入一个新的市场并向不同的用户群销售/广告。
====Marketing management====
====Marketing management====
= = = = 市场营销管理 = = =
[[File:This is the market, WPA poster, 1937.jpg|right|thumb|250px|[[Works Project Administration]] poster (1937)]]
The [[marketing management]] school, evolved in the late 1950s and early 1960s, is fundamentally linked with the [[marketing mix]]<ref>Michael J Baker, Michael John Baker, Michael Saren, Marketing Theory: A Student Text, SAGE 2010</ref> framework, a business tool used in marketing and by marketers. In his paper "The Concept of the Marketing Mix", [[Neil H. Borden]] reconstructed the history of the term "marketing mix".<ref>
{{cite web|last=Borden|first=Neil|title=The Concept of the Marketing Mix|url=https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:s794cDYCYxAJ:www.commerce.uct.ac.za/managementstudies/Courses/bus2010s/2007/Nicole%2520Frey/Assignments/Borden,%25201984_The%2520concept%2520of%2520marketing.pdf+&hl=en&gl=in&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESjQD7owLY5RwuEOVer7qeDaZjKIiemGtEMQCTB0amHNizGcuaFQX6t4JMbz2SmtCNc6V3LLp3mAnnZusRcaMpFy-llqtMBHVfMLI26cEVTkx5qFvPIde_At0dNXaIy4Ar0BM6tN&sig=AHIEtbRsrEOiOtAC_eEcBJS0iSRJNlR6Xw|publisher=Suman Thapa|access-date=24 April 2013}}
</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Borden|first1=Neil H.|year=1965|chapter=The Concept of the Marketing Mix|editor1-last=Schwartz|editor1-first=George|title=Science in marketing|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8YJPAAAAMAAJ|series=Wiley marketing series|publisher=Wiley|publication-date=1965|pages=286ff |isbn=9780471766001|access-date=November 4, 2013}}</ref> He started teaching the term after an associate, James Culliton, described the role of the [[marketing manager]] in 1948 as a "mixer of ingredients"; one who sometimes follows recipes prepared by others, sometimes prepares his own recipe as he goes along, sometimes adapts a recipe from immediately available ingredients, and at other times invents new ingredients no one else has tried. The functions of total marketing include [[advertising]], [[personal selling]], [[packaging]], [[pricing]], [[marketing channel|channeling]] and [[warehousing]]. Borden also identified the market forces affecting marketing mix:
The marketing management school, evolved in the late 1950s and early 1960s, is fundamentally linked with the marketing mixMichael J Baker, Michael John Baker, Michael Saren, Marketing Theory: A Student Text, SAGE 2010 framework, a business tool used in marketing and by marketers. In his paper "The Concept of the Marketing Mix", Neil H. Borden reconstructed the history of the term "marketing mix".
He started teaching the term after an associate, James Culliton, described the role of the marketing manager in 1948 as a "mixer of ingredients"; one who sometimes follows recipes prepared by others, sometimes prepares his own recipe as he goes along, sometimes adapts a recipe from immediately available ingredients, and at other times invents new ingredients no one else has tried. The functions of total marketing include advertising, personal selling, packaging, pricing, channeling and warehousing. Borden also identified the market forces affecting marketing mix:
市场营销管理学派，发展于20世纪50年代末和60年代初，与市场营销混合体迈克尔 · J · 贝克，迈克尔 · 约翰 · 贝克，迈克尔 · 萨伦，市场营销理论: 学生文本，SAGE 2010框架，一个用于市场营销和营销人员的商业工具，有着根本的联系。在《市场营销组合的概念》一文中，波登重构了“市场营销组合”这一术语的历史。1948年，他的一位助理詹姆斯 · 卡利顿(James Culliton)将营销经理的角色描述为“配料的混合者”，他开始教授这个术语。这位经理有时候会按照别人准备的食谱做菜，有时候会边做边准备自己的食谱，有时候会根据现成的食材改编食谱，有时候会发明别人没有尝试过的新食材。整体营销的功能包括广告、个人销售、包装、定价、渠道和仓储。Borden 还指出了影响营销组合的市场力量:
*Consumer buying behavior
*Trade's behavior ([[wholesale]] and [[retailing]])
*Competitors position and behavior: industry structure, product choice, [[oversupply]], [[pricing]] and [[innovation]]
*Governmental behavior: [[regulation]]s
*Consumer buying behavior
*Trade's behavior (wholesale and retailing)
*Competitors position and behavior: industry structure, product choice, oversupply, pricing and innovation
*Governmental behavior: regulations
* 消费者购买行为
* 贸易行为(批发和零售)
* 竞争者的地位和行为: 行业结构、产品选择、供应过剩、定价和创新
* 政府行为: 规章制度
Borden concludes saying that marketing is more an art than a science. The marketer [[E. Jerome McCarthy]] proposed a four Ps classification ([[Product (business)|product]], [[price]], [[Promotion (marketing)|promotion]], [[Distribution (business)|place]]) in 1960, which has since been used by marketers throughout the world.<ref>Needham, Dave (1996). Business for Higher Awards. Oxford, England: Heinemann.</ref> Koichi Shimizu proposed a 7Cs Compass Model ([[corporation]], [[commodity]], [[cost]], [[communication]], [[Marketing channel|channel]], [[consumer]], [[Circumstances (rhetoric)|circumstances]]) to provide a more complete picture of the nature of marketing in 1981. Robert F. Lauterborn wrote about the Four P's in 1990<ref>Lauterborn, B. (1990). New Marketing Litany: Four Ps Passé: C-Words Take Over. Advertising Age, 61(41), 26.</ref>
Borden concludes saying that marketing is more an art than a science. The marketer E. Jerome McCarthy proposed a four Ps classification (product, price, promotion, place) in 1960, which has since been used by marketers throughout the world.Needham, Dave (1996). Business for Higher Awards. Oxford, England: Heinemann. Koichi Shimizu proposed a 7Cs Compass Model (corporation, commodity, cost, communication, channel, consumer, circumstances) to provide a more complete picture of the nature of marketing in 1981. Robert F. Lauterborn wrote about the Four P's in 1990Lauterborn, B. (1990). New Marketing Litany: Four Ps Passé: C-Words Take Over. Advertising Age, 61(41), 26.
Borden 总结说，营销与其说是一门科学，不如说是一门艺术。市场营销人员 E · 杰罗姆 · 麦卡锡(E. Jerome McCarthy)在1960年提出了四个 P 的分类(产品、价格、促销、地点) ，这个分类已经被全世界的市场营销人员使用。尼德姆，戴夫(1996)。高级商业奖励计划。英国牛津: 海涅曼。清水光一在1981年提出了一个7Cs 指南针模型(公司、商品、成本、通信、渠道、消费者、环境) ，以提供一个更完整的营销性质的图片。劳特伯恩在1990年写了关于四个 P 的文章。(1990).新的营销连续剧: 四个 P 过时: C-Words 接管。广告年龄，61(41) ，26。
{{blockquote|When Jerry McCarthy and [[Philip Kotler|Phil Kotler]] proposed their alliterative litany -- Product, Price, Place and Promotion -- the marketing world was very different. Roaring out of [[World War II]] with a
cranked-up production system ready to feed a lust for better living, American business linked management science to the art of mass marketing and rocketed to the moon. In the days of "Father Knows Best," it all seemed so simple. The advertiser developed a product, priced it to make a profit, placed it on the retail shelf and promoted it to a pliant, even eager consumer. Mass media simultaneously taught consumptive culture and provided advertisers with efficient access to an audience which would behave, [[Ernest Dichter|Dr. Dichter]] assured us, perfectly predictably, given the proper stimulation.}}
He instead advocated a four Cs classification which is a more consumer-oriented version of the four Ps that attempts to better fit the movement from mass marketing to niche marketing:
*[[Consumer]]: don't focus on product, study consumer wants and needs
*[[Cost]]: forget price, instead understand the consumer cost to satisfy that want or need, even driving time versus time spent with family matters
*[[Communication]]: forget promotion, instead focus on communication and create dialogue
*[[Convenience]]: forget place, instead think about convenience to buy, know each market subsegment
He instead advocated a four Cs classification which is a more consumer-oriented version of the four Ps that attempts to better fit the movement from mass marketing to niche marketing:
*Consumer: don't focus on product, study consumer wants and needs
*Cost: forget price, instead understand the consumer cost to satisfy that want or need, even driving time versus time spent with family matters
*Communication: forget promotion, instead focus on communication and create dialogue
*Convenience: forget place, instead think about convenience to buy, know each market subsegment
相反，他提倡四 C 分类，这是一个更面向消费者的四个 P 的版本，试图更好地适应从大众营销到利基营销的运动:
* 消费者: 不要关注产品，研究消费者的需求和需求
* 成本: 忘记价格，而是了解消费者的成本，以满足需求或需求，甚至驾驶时间与花费在家庭事务上的时间
* 沟通: 忘记促销，而是专注于沟通和创造对话
* 方便: 忘记地点，而是考虑购买的方便，了解每个市场细分
=== Sociology ===
{{main|Economic sociology}}
====Economic rationality====
====Economic rationality====
= = = = 经济理性 = = = =
[[Max Weber]] defines the measure of rational economic action as the:<ref>Weber, Max. The Theory Of Social And Economic Organization. Free Press.</ref>
Max Weber defines the measure of rational economic action as the:Weber, Max. The Theory Of Social And Economic Organization. Free Press.
马克斯 · 韦伯将理性经济行为的度量定义为: 韦伯，马克斯。社会经济组织理论。新闻自由。
# Systematic distribution of utilities between present and future
# Systematic distribution of utilities between various potential uses
# Systematic production of utilities by [[manufacture]] or transportation by the owner of the means of production
# Systematic acquisition by agreement of the powers of control and disposal over utilities, mainly by establishing [[corporate]] groups or by exchange
# Systematic distribution of utilities between present and future
# Systematic distribution of utilities between various potential uses
# Systematic production of utilities by manufacture or transportation by the owner of the means of production
# Systematic acquisition by agreement of the powers of control and disposal over utilities, mainly by establishing corporate groups or by exchange
# 公用事业在现在和未来之间的系统分配 # 公用事业在各种潜在用途之间的系统分配 # 生产资料所有者通过制造或运输系统地生产公用事业 # 通过协议系统地获得对公用事业的控制和处置权，主要是通过建立公司集团或通过交换
[[File:Dilli Haat bargaining.jpg|thumb|250px|Market bargaining in [[Dilli Haat]] ([[Delhi]])]]
Opposition of interests is typically resolved by [[bargaining]] or by [[Procurement|competitive biding]]:
Opposition of interests is typically resolved by bargaining or by competitive biding:
利益的对立通常通过讨价还价或竞争性投标来解决:
# Utilities, goods and labour are at the disposal of the individual without interference from others
# Transportation can be seen as a part of the process of production
# It is indifferent whether the individual is prevented from using force to interfere in the controls of others by means of a [[legal order]], [[convention (norm)|convention]], [[Convention (norm)|custom]], self-interest or [[moral standard]]s
# Competition for the means of production may exist under various conditions
# Anything which may be transferred between individuals by compensation may be an object of exchange
# Conditions of exchange may be traditional, conventional (exchange of gifts) or rational (motivated by profit or need)
# Regulations may threaten the source of supply
# Utilities, goods and labour are at the disposal of the individual without interference from others
# Transportation can be seen as a part of the process of production
# It is indifferent whether the individual is prevented from using force to interfere in the controls of others by means of a legal order, convention, custom, self-interest or moral standards
# Competition for the means of production may exist under various conditions
# Anything which may be transferred between individuals by compensation may be an object of exchange
# Conditions of exchange may be traditional, conventional (exchange of gifts) or rational (motivated by profit or need)
# Regulations may threaten the source of supply
交通可以被看作是生产过程的一部分，个人是否可以通过法律秩序、惯例、习俗、利己主义或道德标准来阻止他人使用武力来干涉他人的控制，这是无关紧要的。生产资料的竞争可能存在于不同的条件下
Money may classified as:
Money may classified as:
货币可分为:
* Coined money is called "free money" or "market money" when it is coined by the [[Mint (facility)|mint]] without limit of amount
* It is called "limited" money or "administrative money" if the issue of coinage if subject to a corporate group
* It is called regulated money if the kind and amount of coinage is subject to rules
* Coined money is called "free money" or "market money" when it is coined by the mint without limit of amount
* It is called "limited" money or "administrative money" if the issue of coinage if subject to a corporate group
* It is called regulated money if the kind and amount of coinage is subject to rules
* 铸币厂无限额铸造的货币称为“自由货币”或“市场货币”
* 如果发行的货币属于一个公司集团，则称为“有限”货币或“管理货币”
* 如果发行的货币的种类和数量受到规则的约束，则称为管制货币
Weber defines:
* Market situation: all the opportunities of exchanging a good for money that are known by the participants
* Marketability: degree of regularity that a good tends to be an object of exchange in the market
* Market freedom: degree of autonomy enjoyed by the participants in price determination and competition
* Market regulation: restrictions on marketability and market freedom, done by tradition, convention, law, voluntary action
Weber defines:
* Market situation: all the opportunities of exchanging a good for money that are known by the participants
* Marketability: degree of regularity that a good tends to be an object of exchange in the market
* Market freedom: degree of autonomy enjoyed by the participants in price determination and competition
* Market regulation: restrictions on marketability and market freedom, done by tradition, convention, law, voluntary action
韦伯定义如下:
* 市场情况: 所有参与者知道的用货币交换货物的机会
* 市场可行性: 货物在市场中往往成为交换对象的规律性程度
* 市场自由度: 参与者在价格决定和竞争中享有的自主程度
* 市场监管: 通过传统、惯例、法律和自愿行动对市场可行性和市场自由的限制
[[File:Radhanites.png|thumb|250px|Trade networks are very old and in this picture the blue line shows the trade network of the [[Radhanites]], circa 870 CE]]
Weber defines "formal rationality of economic action" to designate the extent of quantitative [[calculation]] or [[accounting]] and "substantive rationality" as the degree a group of persons is or could be adequately provided with good by means of oriented course of social action. A prominent entry-point for challenging the market model's applicability concerns exchange transactions and the ''[[homo economicus]]'' assumption of self-interest maximization. {{As of | 2012}}, a number of streams of [[economic sociology|economic sociological]] analysis of markets focus on the role of the social in transactions and on the ways transactions involve [[social network]]s and relations of [[Trust (social sciences)|trust]], [[cooperation]] and other bonds.<ref name="Swedberg, 1994, p. 267"/> Economic geographers in turn draw attention to the ways exchange transactions occur against the backdrop of [[institutional]], social and geographic processes, including [[social class|class]] relations, [[uneven development]] and historically contingent [[path dependency|path-dependencies]].<ref>Martin, Ron (2000) "Institutional Approaches in Economic Geography", ''Handbook of Economic Geography''. Ed. Eric Sheppard and Trevor J. Barnes. Blackwell Publishers.Peck, 2005</ref> [[Pierre Bourdieu]] has suggested the market model is becoming self-realizing in virtue of its wide acceptance in national and international institutions through the 1990s.<ref>Bourdieu, Pierre (1999) Acts of Resistance: Against the Tyranny of the Market. The New Press.p. 95</ref>
Weber defines "formal rationality of economic action" to designate the extent of quantitative calculation or accounting and "substantive rationality" as the degree a group of persons is or could be adequately provided with good by means of oriented course of social action. A prominent entry-point for challenging the market model's applicability concerns exchange transactions and the homo economicus assumption of self-interest maximization. , a number of streams of economic sociological analysis of markets focus on the role of the social in transactions and on the ways transactions involve social networks and relations of trust, cooperation and other bonds. Economic geographers in turn draw attention to the ways exchange transactions occur against the backdrop of institutional, social and geographic processes, including class relations, uneven development and historically contingent path-dependencies.Martin, Ron (2000) "Institutional Approaches in Economic Geography", Handbook of Economic Geography. Ed. Eric Sheppard and Trevor J. Barnes. Blackwell Publishers.Peck, 2005 Pierre Bourdieu has suggested the market model is becoming self-realizing in virtue of its wide acceptance in national and international institutions through the 1990s.Bourdieu, Pierre (1999) Acts of Resistance: Against the Tyranny of the Market. The New Press.p. 95
韦伯将“经济行为的形式理性”定义为定量计算或核算的程度，将“实质理性”定义为一个群体通过社会行为的导向过程获得或能够获得充分的好处的程度。挑战市场模型适用性的一个突出的切入点是交易和自利最大化的经济人假设。许多对市场的经济社会学分析集中于社会在交易中的作用以及交易涉及社会网络和信任、合作及其他关系的方式。经济地理学家反过来提请注意在体制、社会和地理进程的背景下交易发生的方式，包括阶级关系、不平衡的发展和历史上偶然的路径依赖。罗恩 · 马丁(2000)《经济地理学中的制度方法》 ，《经济地理学手册》。艾德。Eric Sheppard 和 Trevor J. Barnes。布莱克威尔出版社。Peck，2005 Pierre Bourdieu 认为市场模式正在变得自我实现，因为它在国家和国际机构中被广泛接受。布迪厄，皮埃尔(1999)反抗行为: 反对市场的暴政。The New Press.95
====Abstraction, market agencement and framing====
====Abstraction, market agencement and framing====
= = = = 抽象，市场启动和框架 = = =
[[Michel Callon]] traces the history of how the market as a place (fairs, flea markets, fish markets) became an abstract concept (market for ideas, dating market, job market) which he calls the interface market model.<ref>
Callon, Michel (2021). Markets in the Making . Zone Books.</ref> This abstraction proceeds in three layers:
Michel Callon traces the history of how the market as a place (fairs, flea markets, fish markets) became an abstract concept (market for ideas, dating market, job market) which he calls the interface market model.
Callon, Michel (2021). Markets in the Making . Zone Books. This abstraction proceeds in three layers:
Michel Callon 追溯了市场作为一个地方(集市、跳蚤市场、鱼市场)如何成为一个抽象概念(创意市场、约会市场、就业市场)的历史，他称之为界面市场模型。卡隆，米歇尔(2021)。正在形成的市场。区域书籍。这种抽象分为三个层次:
* Sellers, buyers, platform goods
* Competition
* Institutions
* Sellers, buyers, platform goods
* Competition
* Institutions
* 卖家，买家，平台商品
* 竞争
* 机构
The interface market model thus establishes that:
The interface market model thus establishes that:
因此，接口市场模式规定:
# Agents and goods are distinguable
# A transfer is a communication of property rights
# Competition develops between [[Agent (economics)|agent]]s
# A [[Financial transaction|transaction]] consists of monetary payments
# Agents and goods are distinguable
# A transfer is a communication of property rights
# Competition develops between agents
# A transaction consists of monetary payments
# 代理商和货物是可以区分的 # 转让是财产权的交流 # 代理商之间的竞争 # 交易包括货币支付
The limitations of this model are:
The limitations of this model are:
这种模式的局限性是:
# They do not take into account the material composition of market activities
# They bracket out the constructive process of creating supply and demand, which leads to underestimating the crucial role played by bilateral transactions and the initiation of these transactions
# They create unrealism through the concepts of [[Aggregation problem|aggregated]] supply and demand and bring about difficulties in comprehending the actual mechanisms for establishing prices
# They create a total impasse on the complex processes that result in a separation between agents and goods
# The hypothesis that goods are platforms precludes us from recognizing they are processes
# A description of agents that underestimates their diversity, heterogeneity, and plasticity
# They do not take into account the material composition of market activities
# They bracket out the constructive process of creating supply and demand, which leads to underestimating the crucial role played by bilateral transactions and the initiation of these transactions
# They create unrealism through the concepts of aggregated supply and demand and bring about difficulties in comprehending the actual mechanisms for establishing prices
# They create a total impasse on the complex processes that result in a separation between agents and goods
# The hypothesis that goods are platforms precludes us from recognizing they are processes
# A description of agents that underestimates their diversity, heterogeneity, and plasticity
# 他们没有考虑到市场活动的物质构成 # 他们把创造供给和需求的建设性过程排除在外，这导致低估了双边交易和这些交易的启动所起的关键作用 # 他们通过总供给和需求的概念创造了非现实主义，给理解确定价格的实际机制带来了困难 # 他们在导致代理商和商品分离的复杂过程上创造了一个完全的僵局 # 商品是平台的假设阻止我们认识到他们是过程 # 对代理商的描述低估了他们的多样性，异质性和可塑性
Callon offer the market agencements (heterogenous assemblage) model as an alternative, its features being:
Callon offer the market agencements (heterogenous assemblage) model as an alternative, its features being:
Callon 提供了市场代理(异质组合)模型作为替代方案，其特点是:
# Competition is the struggle to establish bilateral transactions that are never identical
# Innovation is fundamental to commercial activity
# Goods are processes
# Profilerating agents, plastic identities and networking
# Competition is the struggle to establish bilateral transactions that are never identical
# Innovation is fundamental to commercial activity
# Goods are processes
# Profilerating agents, plastic identities and networking
创新是商业活动的基础，商品是过程，侧写代理，塑料身份和网络
[[File:Yongsan Electronics Market (3385983467) (cropped).jpg|thumb|center|1000px|[[Yongsan Electronics Market]] in [[Seoul]] ([[South Korea]])]]
Market agencements function through [[Framing (social sciences)|framing]], that is action is oriented to a strategic goal (obtaining bilateral transactions), for example market oriented passiva(c)tion:
Market agencements function through framing, that is action is oriented to a strategic goal (obtaining bilateral transactions), for example market oriented passiva(c)tion:
市场代理的功能是通过框架，即行动是面向一个战略目标(获得双边交易) ，例如市场导向的被动(c)关系:
# Detaches the good and liberates it from all those who participated in its elaboration and profiling
# Renders it apt to provoke courses of actions and to contribute to their realization (that is, imbues it with uses)
# Ensures that its behavior is at least to a certain extent controllable and predictable
# Organizes the attribution and transfer of [[property right]]s
# Detaches the good and liberates it from all those who participated in its elaboration and profiling
# Renders it apt to provoke courses of actions and to contribute to their realization (that is, imbues it with uses)
# Ensures that its behavior is at least to a certain extent controllable and predictable
# Organizes the attribution and transfer of property rights
把好的东西从所有参与其制作和分析的人中分离出来，使它更容易引发行动过程，并有助于它们的实现(也就是说，充满了用途)。确保它的行为至少在一定程度上是可控的和可预测的
Callon identifies the activities necessary for framing:
Callon identifies the activities necessary for framing:
Callon 确定了构建框架所必需的活动:
# Rendering goods pass(act)ive
# Activating agencies capable of evaluating and transforming these goods
# Organizing their encounter
# Ensuring the attachment of the goods to the agencies
# Obtaining consent to pay
# Setting a price and compelling payment–actions that combine and interweave with one another, with possible feedback loops and iterations
# Rendering goods pass(act)ive
# Activating agencies capable of evaluating and transforming these goods
# Organizing their encounter
# Ensuring the attachment of the goods to the agencies
# Obtaining consent to pay
# Setting a price and compelling payment–actions that combine and interweave with one another, with possible feedback loops and iterations
激活有能力评估和转换这些商品的机构。组织他们的会面。确保商品与机构的连接。获得支付同意。设定价格和强制性支付。这些行动相互结合，相互交织，可能有反馈循环和迭代
==== Embeddedness ====
==== Embeddedness ====
==== Embeddedness ====
Alfred Marshall wrote:<ref name="Marshall 1890"/>
{{blockquote|Thus it is on the one side a study of wealth; and on the other, and more important side, a part of the study of man. For man's character has been moulded by his every-day work, and the material resources which he thereby procures, more than by any other influence unless it be that of his religious [[ideal (ethics)|ideal]]s; and the two great forming agencies of the world's history have been the [[religious]] and the economic. Here and there the ardour of the military or the artistic spirit has been for a while predominant: but religious and economic influences have nowhere been displaced from the front rank even for a time; and they have nearly always been more important than all others put together. Religious motives are more intense than economic, but their direct action seldom extends over so large a part of life. For the business by which a person earns his livelihood generally fills his thoughts during by far the greater part of those hours in which his mind is at its best; during them his character is being formed by the way in which he uses his faculties in his work, by the thoughts and the feelings which i\t suggests, and by his relations to his associates in work, his employers or his employees.}}
Alfred Marshall wrote:
阿尔弗雷德 · 马歇尔写道:
[[File:Puritans-drinking-from-pewter-mugs-in-colonial-massachusetts.jpg|thumb|450px|Puritans drinking from [[pewter]] mugs at the tavern, [[Massachusetts]].]]
According to Max Weber the spirit of capitalism as preached by [[Benjamin Franklin]] is directly connected with utilitarianism, [[rationalism]] and [[Protestantism]]. [[Martin Luther|Luther]] [[Religious calling|calling]] was not a monastic one but involves the fullfilments of obligations imposed by one's position in the world. The pursuit of money and earthly goods was not viewed positively by [[Protestantism]], the [[Puritan]]s however emphasized that [[God]] blessings, like in the [[Book of Job]], applied also to material life. The limitation of consumption inevitably results in [[capital accumulation]], therefore, for Weber, the Puritan's idea of the calling and [[asceticism|ascetic conduct]] contributed to development of capitalism: [[saving]] is an ascetic activity.<ref>Weber, Max (2012). [[The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism]], Start Publishing LLC.</ref>
According to Max Weber the spirit of capitalism as preached by Benjamin Franklin is directly connected with utilitarianism, rationalism and Protestantism. Luther calling was not a monastic one but involves the fullfilments of obligations imposed by one's position in the world. The pursuit of money and earthly goods was not viewed positively by Protestantism, the Puritans however emphasized that God blessings, like in the Book of Job, applied also to material life. The limitation of consumption inevitably results in capital accumulation, therefore, for Weber, the Puritan's idea of the calling and ascetic conduct contributed to development of capitalism: saving is an ascetic activity.Weber, Max (2012). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Start Publishing LLC.
马克斯 · 韦伯认为，本杰明·富兰克林所宣扬的资本主义精神与功利主义、理性主义和新教有着直接的联系。路德的呼召不是一个修道院的呼召，而是一个人在世界上的地位所强加的义务的履行。对金钱和世俗物品的追求并没有得到新教的积极看待，然而，清教徒强调上帝的祝福，就像在约伯记中一样，也适用于物质生活。限制消费不可避免地导致资本积累，因此，对韦伯来说，清教徒关于召唤和禁欲行为的观点促进了资本主义的发展: 储蓄是一种禁欲的活动。韦伯，麦克斯(2012)。新教伦理与资本主义精神，开始出版有限责任公司。
[[Embeddedness]] expresses the idea that the economy is not autonomous but subordinated to politics, religion, and social relations. [[Karl Polanyi|Polanyi]]’s use of the term suggests now familiar idea that market transactions depend on trust, mutual understanding, and legal enforcement of contracts.<ref>Polanyi, Karl (2001). [[The Great Transformation (book)|The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time]]. Beacon Press.</ref> Michel Callon's concept of framing provides a useful [[Schema (Kant)|schema]]: each economic act or transaction occurs against, incorporates and also re-performs a geographically and cultural specific complex of social histories, institutional arrangements, rules and connections. These [[social network|network]] relations are simultaneously bracketed, so that persons and transactions may be disentangled from thick social bonds. The character of calculability is imposed upon agents as they come to work in markets and are “formatted” as calculative agencies. Market exchanges contain a history of struggle and contestation that produced actors predisposed to exchange under certain sets of rules. Therefore, for Challon, market transactions can never be disembedded from social and geographic relations and there is no sense to talking of degrees of embeddedness and disembeddeness.<ref>Callon, 1998; Mitchell, 2002, p. 291,</ref> During the 20th century two common forms of critique were made:
*Categories of 19th century [[social science]] such as [[Social class|class]], [[modernity]] or [[Western world|the West]] were [[social construction]]s
*These categories were artificial and not universal
Embeddedness expresses the idea that the economy is not autonomous but subordinated to politics, religion, and social relations. Polanyi’s use of the term suggests now familiar idea that market transactions depend on trust, mutual understanding, and legal enforcement of contracts.Polanyi, Karl (2001). The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Beacon Press. Michel Callon's concept of framing provides a useful schema: each economic act or transaction occurs against, incorporates and also re-performs a geographically and cultural specific complex of social histories, institutional arrangements, rules and connections. These network relations are simultaneously bracketed, so that persons and transactions may be disentangled from thick social bonds. The character of calculability is imposed upon agents as they come to work in markets and are “formatted” as calculative agencies. Market exchanges contain a history of struggle and contestation that produced actors predisposed to exchange under certain sets of rules. Therefore, for Challon, market transactions can never be disembedded from social and geographic relations and there is no sense to talking of degrees of embeddedness and disembeddeness.Callon, 1998; Mitchell, 2002, p. 291, During the 20th century two common forms of critique were made:
*Categories of 19th century social science such as class, modernity or the West were social constructions
*These categories were artificial and not universal
嵌入性表达了这样一种观点，即经济不是自治的，而是从属于政治、宗教和社会关系的。波拉尼对这个词的使用表明了现在熟悉的观点，即市场交易依赖于信任、相互理解和合同的法律执行。波兰尼，卡尔(2001)。伟大的转变: 我们这个时代的政治和经济起源。灯塔出版社。米歇尔 · 卡隆的框架概念提供了一个有用的图式: 每一个经济行为或交易都发生在一个特定的社会历史、制度安排、规则和联系的地理和文化复合体之上，并且在这个复合体中重新表现。这些网络关系同时被包括在内，这样人和交易就可以从厚重的社会关系中解脱出来。可计算性的特征是强加给代理人的，因为他们来到市场工作，并被“格式化”为计算机构。市场交易包含着斗争和争论的历史，这种斗争和争论导致行为者倾向于根据某些规则进行交易。因此，对于 Challon 来说，市场交易永远不可能从社会和地理关系中分离出来，谈论嵌入程度和分离程度是没有意义的。卡隆，1998; 米切尔，2002，第291页，在20世纪，有两种常见的批判形式:
* 19世纪社会科学的类别，如阶级，现代性或西方是社会建构
* 这些类别是人为的，而不是普遍的
These are common themes in interpretive [[social science]], [[cultural studies]] and [[post-structuralism]]. However, as [[Timothy Mitchell]] points out this mode of thought tends to put aside the real, the natural and nonhuman: the idea that a universal processes exists such as modernity, [[capitalism]] and [[globalization]] should not be taken for granted.<ref>Timothy Mitchell. Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity</ref> An emerging theme is the interrelationship, inter-penetrability and variations of concepts of [[person]]s, [[commodities]] and modes of exchange under particular market formations. This is most pronounced in recent movement towards [[post-structuralist]] theorizing that draws on [[Michel Foucault]] and [[Actor-network theory|Actor Network Theory]] and stress relational aspects of person-hood, and dependence and integration into networks and practical systems. Commodity network approaches further both deconstruct and show alternatives to the market models concept of commodities.<ref>Hughes, Alex (2005) "Geographies of Exchange and Circulation: alternative trading spaces" Progress in Human Geography</ref>
These are common themes in interpretive social science, cultural studies and post-structuralism. However, as Timothy Mitchell points out this mode of thought tends to put aside the real, the natural and nonhuman: the idea that a universal processes exists such as modernity, capitalism and globalization should not be taken for granted.Timothy Mitchell. Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity An emerging theme is the interrelationship, inter-penetrability and variations of concepts of persons, commodities and modes of exchange under particular market formations. This is most pronounced in recent movement towards post-structuralist theorizing that draws on Michel Foucault and Actor Network Theory and stress relational aspects of person-hood, and dependence and integration into networks and practical systems. Commodity network approaches further both deconstruct and show alternatives to the market models concept of commodities.Hughes, Alex (2005) "Geographies of Exchange and Circulation: alternative trading spaces" Progress in Human Geography
这些都是解释性社会科学、文化研究和后结构主义的共同主题。然而，正如蒂莫西 · 米切尔(Timothy Mitchell)指出的那样，这种思维模式倾向于把真实的、自然的和非人的东西放在一边: 不应该想当然地认为现代性、资本主义和全球化等普遍进程是存在的。Timothy Mitchell.专家规则: 埃及，技术-政治，现代性一个新出现的主题是在特定的市场形态下人、商品和交换模式的概念的相互关系、相互渗透性和变化。这在最近的后结构主义理论运动中最为明显，该理论借鉴了米歇尔 · 福柯(Michel Foucault)和演员网络理论(Actor Network Theory) ，并强调了人格的关系方面，以及依赖和融入网络和实践系统。初级商品网络方法进一步解构和显示了初级商品市场模型概念的替代品。休斯，亚历克斯(2005年)“交换和流通的地理学: 另类交易空间”人类地理学的进展
==== Social systems theory ====
==== Social systems theory ====
= = = = 社会系统理论 = = = =
In [[social system]]s theory (cf. [[Niklas Luhmann]]), markets are also conceptualized as inner environments of the economy. As horizon of all potential investment decisions the market represents the environment of the actually realized investment decisions. However, such inner environments can also be observed in further function systems of society like in political, scientific, religious or mass media systems.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Roth | first1 = Steffen | year = 2012 | title = Leaving commonplaces on the common place: Cornerstones of a polyphonic market theory | ssrn = 2192754 | journal = Journal for Critical Organization Inquiry | volume = 10 | issue = 3| pages = 43–52 }}</ref>
In social systems theory (cf. Niklas Luhmann), markets are also conceptualized as inner environments of the economy. As horizon of all potential investment decisions the market represents the environment of the actually realized investment decisions. However, such inner environments can also be observed in further function systems of society like in political, scientific, religious or mass media systems.
社会系统理论。市场也被概念化为经济的内部环境。作为所有潜在投资决策的视野，市场代表着实际实现的投资决策的环境。然而，这种内在环境也可以在社会的进一步功能系统中观察到，如在政治、科学、宗教或大众传媒系统中。
=== Economic geography ===
{{main|Economic geography}}
[[Wilhelm Launhardt]], a [[Location theory|location theorist]], wrote:<ref>Launhardt Wilhelm 1900. ''The theory of trace: being a discussion of the principles of location'', Lawrence Asylum Press</ref>
Wilhelm Launhardt, a location theorist, wrote:Launhardt Wilhelm 1900. The theory of trace: being a discussion of the principles of location, Lawrence Asylum Press
= = 经济地理学 = = = 威廉 · 朗哈特，一位位置理论家，写道: 威廉 · 朗哈特1900年。痕迹理论: 劳伦斯庇护出版社关于位置原则的讨论
{{blockquote|The conditions governing the distribution and settling of the population over any area are dependent on the nature of its economic activity: and when this activity is engaged in the [[Agriculture|cultivation]] of the surface of the ground and in the [[husbandry]] of land and wood and on many kinds of handicrafts and small manufactures this distribution is to be assumed as uniform over the area; although, as a matter of fact, the population usually lives collected together in small hamlets, and the number of the inhabitants per unit of area, or [[density of population]], varies according to the local conditions. Another part of the population, namely that which is engaged in wholesale commerce, the various professions of Art and Science, and that which consists of merchants and officials, lives collected in towns.}}
Transportation can be carried either by stone-paved roads or railways, the former not being fully developed by private capital alone. A widespread trend in [[economic history]] and [[sociology]] is skeptical of the idea that it is possible to develop a theory to capture an essence or unifying thread to markets.<ref>
Swedberg, Richard (1994) "Markets as Social Structures" The Handbook of Economic Sociology. Ed. Neil Smelser and Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press. {{oclc|29703776}}, p. 258)</ref> For economic geographers, reference to regional, local, or [[commodity]] specific markets can serve to undermine assumptions of global integration and highlight geographic variations in the structures, [[institution]]s, histories, [[path dependency|path dependencies]], forms of interaction and modes of self-understanding of agents in different spheres of market exchange.<ref>
Peck, J. (2005) "Economic Geographies in Space" Economic Geography 81(2) 129–175.</ref> Reference to actual markets can show [[capitalism]] not as a totalizing force or completely encompassing [[mode of production|mode of economic activity]], but rather as "a set of economic practices scattered over a [[landscape]], rather than a systemic concentration of power".<ref>(Gibson-Graham, J.K. (2006) Postcapitalist Politics. University of Minnesota Press,. p. 2).</ref>
Transportation can be carried either by stone-paved roads or railways, the former not being fully developed by private capital alone. A widespread trend in economic history and sociology is skeptical of the idea that it is possible to develop a theory to capture an essence or unifying thread to markets.
Swedberg, Richard (1994) "Markets as Social Structures" The Handbook of Economic Sociology. Ed. Neil Smelser and Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press. , p. 258) For economic geographers, reference to regional, local, or commodity specific markets can serve to undermine assumptions of global integration and highlight geographic variations in the structures, institutions, histories, path dependencies, forms of interaction and modes of self-understanding of agents in different spheres of market exchange.
Peck, J. (2005) "Economic Geographies in Space" Economic Geography 81(2) 129–175. Reference to actual markets can show capitalism not as a totalizing force or completely encompassing mode of economic activity, but rather as "a set of economic practices scattered over a landscape, rather than a systemic concentration of power".(Gibson-Graham, J.K. (2006) Postcapitalist Politics. University of Minnesota Press,. p. 2).
交通可以通过石头铺成的公路或铁路运输，前者并非完全由私人资本独自开发。经济历史学和社会学的一个普遍趋势是怀疑有可能发展出一种理论来捕捉市场的本质或统一线索的观点。理查德 · 斯韦德伯格(1994)《作为社会结构的市场》经济社会学手册。艾德。尼尔 · 斯梅尔塞和理查德 · 斯韦伯格。普林斯顿大学出版社。对于经济地理学家来说，参考区域、地方或商品特定市场可能会破坏全球一体化的假设，并突出结构、制度、历史、路径依赖、互动形式以及市场交换不同领域的主体的自我理解模式的地理差异。佩克，小乔。(2005)《太空经济地理》经济地理81(2)129-175。参考实际市场可以表明，资本主义不是一种总体力量或完全包容的经济活动模式，而是“一系列分散在各地的经济实践，而不是权力的系统集中”。(Gibson-Graham，J.K. ，2006)后资本主义政治。明尼苏达大学出版社。P. 2).
[[File:Mercado Negro, La Paz, Bolivia.JPG|thumb|250px|[[Black market]] in [[La Paz]]]]
Problematic for market formalism is the relationship between formal capitalist economic processes and a variety of alternative forms, ranging from semi-[[feudal]] and [[peasant]] economies widely operative in many [[developing economy|developing economies]], to [[informal market]]s, [[barter]] systems, [[worker cooperative]]s, or [[illegal trade]]s that occur in most developed countries. Practices of incorporation of non-Western peoples into global markets in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not merely result in the quashing of former social economic institutions. Rather, various modes of articulation arose between transformed and hybridized local traditions and social practices and the emergent [[world economy]]. By their liberal nature, so called capitalist markets have almost always included a wide range of geographically situated economic practices that do not follow the market model. Economies are thus hybrids of market and non-market elements.<ref>(Mitchell, Timothy (2002) Rule of Experts. University of California Pressp. 270; Gibson-Graham 2006, supra pp. 53–78)</ref> Helpful here is [[J.K. Gibson-Graham]]'s complex topology of the diversity of contemporary market economies describing different types of [[Financial transaction|transactions]], [[Manual labour|labour]] and economic agents. Transactions can occur in [[black market]]s (such as for [[marijuana]]) or be artificially protected (such as for [[patent]]s). They can cover the sale of [[Public good (economics)|public good]]s under [[privatization]] schemes to co-operative exchanges and occur under varying degrees of [[monopoly power]] and state [[regulation]]. Likewise, there are a wide variety of economic agents, which engage in different types of transactions on different terms: one cannot assume the practices of a religious [[kindergarten]], [[multinational corporation]], [[state enterprise]], or community-based [[cooperative]] can be subsumed under the same logic of calculability. This emphasis on proliferation can also be contrasted with continuing scholarly attempts to show underlying cohesive and structural similarities to different markets.<ref name="Swedberg, 1994, p. 267">Swedberg, 1994, p. 267</ref> Gibson-Graham thus read a variety of alternative markets for [[fair trade]] and [[organic food]]s or those using [[local exchange trading system]] as not only contributing to proliferation, but also forging new modes of ethical exchange and economic subjectivities.
Problematic for market formalism is the relationship between formal capitalist economic processes and a variety of alternative forms, ranging from semi-feudal and peasant economies widely operative in many developing economies, to informal markets, barter systems, worker cooperatives, or illegal trades that occur in most developed countries. Practices of incorporation of non-Western peoples into global markets in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not merely result in the quashing of former social economic institutions. Rather, various modes of articulation arose between transformed and hybridized local traditions and social practices and the emergent world economy. By their liberal nature, so called capitalist markets have almost always included a wide range of geographically situated economic practices that do not follow the market model. Economies are thus hybrids of market and non-market elements.(Mitchell, Timothy (2002) Rule of Experts. University of California Pressp. 270; Gibson-Graham 2006, supra pp. 53–78) Helpful here is J.K. Gibson-Graham's complex topology of the diversity of contemporary market economies describing different types of transactions, labour and economic agents. Transactions can occur in black markets (such as for marijuana) or be artificially protected (such as for patents). They can cover the sale of public goods under privatization schemes to co-operative exchanges and occur under varying degrees of monopoly power and state regulation. Likewise, there are a wide variety of economic agents, which engage in different types of transactions on different terms: one cannot assume the practices of a religious kindergarten, multinational corporation, state enterprise, or community-based cooperative can be subsumed under the same logic of calculability. This emphasis on proliferation can also be contrasted with continuing scholarly attempts to show underlying cohesive and structural similarities to different markets.Swedberg, 1994, p. 267 Gibson-Graham thus read a variety of alternative markets for fair trade and organic foods or those using local exchange trading system as not only contributing to proliferation, but also forging new modes of ethical exchange and economic subjectivities.
市场形式主义的问题在于正式的资本主义经济进程与各种替代形式之间的关系，这些形式包括在许多发展中经济体中广泛运作的半封建和农民经济，以及在大多数发达国家中出现的非正式市场、易货制度、工人合作社或非法贸易。19世纪和20世纪将非西方人民纳入全球市场的做法不仅导致以前的社会经济机构被取消。相反，在经过改造和混合的地方传统和社会实践与新兴世界经济之间出现了各种表达方式。由于其自由的性质，所谓的资本主义市场几乎总是包括一系列不遵循市场模式的广泛的地理位置上的经济实践。因此，经济是市场因素和非市场因素的混合体。(米切尔，蒂莫西(2002)专家规则。加州大学出版社。270年; 吉布森-格雷厄姆2006年，超级警察。53-78) J.K. 吉布森-格雷厄姆(J.K. Gibson-Graham)关于当代市场经济多样性的复杂拓扑结构，描述了不同类型的交易、劳动力和经济主体，很有帮助。交易可以发生在黑市(如大麻)或人为保护(如专利)。它们可以包括在私有化计划下向合作交易所出售公共产品，也可以包括在不同程度的垄断权力和国家监管下出售公共产品。同样，有各种各样的经济主体，它们以不同的条件从事不同类型的交易: 我们不能假设宗教幼儿园、跨国公司、国有企业或社区合作社的做法可以归入同样的可计算逻辑。这种对扩散的强调也可与持续不断的学术努力形成对比，后者试图显示不同市场的基本内聚力和结构相似性。因此，吉布森-格雷厄姆解读了公平贸易和有机食品的各种替代市场，或者那些使用当地交易系统的替代市场，认为它们不仅有助于扩散，而且有助于形成新的道德交换模式和经济主观性。
=== Anthropology ===
{{main|Economic anthropology}}
Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of anthropology, [[Bronisław Malinowski]], and his French compatriot, [[Marcel Mauss]], on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or [[Reciprocity (cultural anthropology)|reciprocity]]) as an alternative to market exchange. Studies in economic anthropology for the most part are focused on exchange but they a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical:<ref>Bourdieu, Pierre (2017). Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993. Editions du Seuil.</ref> for example Trobianders described by Malinowski deviate from rational self-interested individual.<ref name="Malinowski 1922">Malinowski, Bronislaw. Argonauts Of The Western Pacific - An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea - Read Books Ltd.</ref>
Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of anthropology, Bronisław Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Studies in economic anthropology for the most part are focused on exchange but they a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical:Bourdieu, Pierre (2017). Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993. Editions du Seuil. for example Trobianders described by Malinowski deviate from rational self-interested individual.Malinowski, Bronislaw. Argonauts Of The Western Pacific - An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea - Read Books Ltd.
经济人类学是一个学术领域，试图解释人类经济行为在其最广泛的历史，地理和文化范围。它作为人类学的一个分支起源于人类学的波兰裔英国创始人，布罗尼斯拉夫·马林诺夫斯基，和他的法国同胞马塞尔莫斯，关于礼物交换(或互惠)作为市场交换的替代品的性质。经济人类学的研究大部分集中在交换上，但它们与经济学学科之间的复杂关系是非常关键的，布迪厄，皮埃尔(2017)。Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993.门槛出版社。例如，马林诺夫斯基所描述的 Trobiander 偏离了理性自利的个体。西太平洋的宇航员-美拉尼西亚新几内亚群岛的本土企业和冒险记录-读书有限公司。
Bronisław Malinowski's path-breaking work, ''[[Argonauts of the Western Pacific]]'' (1922), addressed the question "why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear to be worthless [[wikt:trinket|trinkets]]?". He begins by describing trade in the [[Polynesia|South Sea]]:<ref name="Malinowski 1922"/>
Bronisław Malinowski's path-breaking work, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), addressed the question "why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear to be worthless trinkets?". He begins by describing trade in the South Sea:
布罗尼斯拉夫·马林诺夫斯基的开创性工作《西太平洋的阿尔戈勇士》(1922)解决了这样一个问题: “为什么人们要冒着生命危险穿越广阔的危险海洋，送出看似毫无价值的小饰品?”.他首先描述了南海的贸易:
{{blockquote|The coastal populations of the [[South Sea Islands]], with very few exceptions, are, or were before their extinction, expert navigators and traders. Several of them had evolved excellent types of large sea-going [[canoe]]s, and used to embark in them on distant trade expeditions or raids of war and conquest. The Papuo-Melanesians, who inhabit the coast and the outlying islands of [[New Guinea]], are no exception to this rule. In general they are daring sailors, industrious manufacturers, and keen traders. The manufacturing centres of important articles, such as pottery, stone implements, canoes, fine baskets, valued ornaments, are localised in several places, according to the skill of the inhabitants, their inherited tribal tradition, and special facilities offered by the district; thence they are traded over wide areas, sometimes travelling more than hundreds of miles. Definite forms of exchange along definite [[trade route]]s are to be found established between the various tribes. A most remarkable form of intertribal trade is that obtaining between the [[Motu people|Motu]] of [[Port Moresby]] and the tribes of the Papuan Gulf. The Motu sail for hundreds of miles in heavy, unwieldy canoes, called [[lakatoi]], which are provided with the characteristic crab-claw sails. They bring pottery and [[Seashell|shell]] ornaments, in olden days, stone blades, to Gulf Papuans, from whom they obtain in exchange sago and the heavy dug-outs, which are used afterwards by the Motu for the construction of their lakatoi canoes.}}
[[File:Kula bracelet.jpg|250px|thumb|A Kula [[bracelet]] from the [[Trobriand Islands]]]]
The economic situation can vary considerably depending on the tribes and islands: for example the [[Gumawana]] villagers are know as efficient sailors and for their skill in pottery, they are, however, island monopolists keeping the trade in their owns hands without improving it. In a series of three expeditions, Malinowski carefully traced the network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the [[Trobriand Islands]] and established that they were part of a system of inter-tribal exchange: it is know as the [[Kula ring]], a closed circuit in which necklaces of red shells go in a [[clockwise]] motion and bracelets of white shell go in anticlockwise motion. Malinowski goes on to explain <ref name="Malinowski 1922"/>::
The economic situation can vary considerably depending on the tribes and islands: for example the Gumawana villagers are know as efficient sailors and for their skill in pottery, they are, however, island monopolists keeping the trade in their owns hands without improving it. In a series of three expeditions, Malinowski carefully traced the network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the Trobriand Islands and established that they were part of a system of inter-tribal exchange: it is know as the Kula ring, a closed circuit in which necklaces of red shells go in a clockwise motion and bracelets of white shell go in anticlockwise motion. Malinowski goes on to explain ::
根据部落和岛屿的不同，经济状况可能会有很大的差异: 例如，古马瓦纳村民被认为是高效率的水手，因为他们在陶瓷方面的技能，但是，他们是岛屿垄断者，自己掌握着陶瓷贸易，而没有改善它。在一系列的三次探险中，马林诺夫斯基仔细地追踪了特罗布里恩群岛上手镯和项链的交换网络，并确定它们是部落间交换系统的一部分，这个系统被称为库拉环，是一个闭合的环路，红色贝壳项链顺时针方向运动，白色贝壳项链逆时针方向运动。马林诺夫斯基接着解释道:
[[File:MAP V - Argonauts of the western Pacific 1922 (page 136 crop).jpg|250px|thumb|The Kula ring]]
250px|thumb|The Kula ring
250px | 图片来源: 库拉戒指
{{blockquote|Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a “form of trade,” and we ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This is quite correct, if we give the word “trade” a sufficiently wide interpretation, and mean by it any exchange of goods. But the word “trade” is used in current [[Ethnography]] and economic literature with so many different implications that a whole lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the aprioric current notion of primitive trade would be that of an exchange of indispensable or useful articles, done without much ceremony or regulation, under stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular intervals—and this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out sharply not to be done out of his due, or, if the savages were too timid and distrustful to face one another, by some customary arrangement, securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in the obligations incurred or imposed.* Waiving for the present the question how far this conception is valid or not in general—in my opinion it is quite misleading—we have to realise clearly that the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of “savage trade.” It shows to us primitive exchange in an entirely different light.
{{blockquote|Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a “form of trade,” and we ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This is quite correct, if we give the word “trade” a sufficiently wide interpretation, and mean by it any exchange of goods. But the word “trade” is used in current Ethnography and economic literature with so many different implications that a whole lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the aprioric current notion of primitive trade would be that of an exchange of indispensable or useful articles, done without much ceremony or regulation, under stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular intervals—and this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out sharply not to be done out of his due, or, if the savages were too timid and distrustful to face one another, by some customary arrangement, securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in the obligations incurred or imposed.* Waiving for the present the question how far this conception is valid or not in general—in my opinion it is quite misleading—we have to realise clearly that the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of “savage trade.” It shows to us primitive exchange in an entirely different light.
在前言中，我们称库拉为“贸易形式”，并将其与其他易货贸易体系放在一起。如果我们对“贸易”这个词给予足够广泛的解释，并且这个词的意思是任何商品的交换，那么这是完全正确的。但是，“贸易”一词在当前的民族志和经济学文献中使用的含义如此之多，以至于为了正确理解事实，必须摒弃许多误导性的、先入为主的观点。因此，目前关于原始贸易的开天辟地的概念就是交换不可或缺的或有用的物品，没有太多的仪式或规定，在缺乏或需要的压力下，间歇性地、不规则地进行交换——这种交换要么通过直接的易货，每个人都急切地注意不要超出自己应得的范围，要么如果野蛮人太胆怯和不信任而不敢面对对方，则通过某种习惯性的安排，通过严厉的惩罚手段确保遵守所产生的或强加的义务。* 暂且不提这个概念在多大程度上是有效的或不是一般性的问题ーー我认为这相当具有误导性ーー我们必须清楚地认识到，库拉几乎在每一点上都与上述“野蛮贸易”的定义相矛盾它以一种完全不同的方式向我们展示了原始的交换。
The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It is, quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law, and surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is not done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at dates settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade routes, which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically, though transacted between tribes differing in language, culture, and probably even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent status, on a partnership which binds into couples some thousands of individuals. This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies various mutual duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of inter-tribal relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic mechanism of the transactions, this is based on a specific form of credit, which implies a high degree of mutual trust and commercial honour—and this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which accompanies the Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under stress of any need, since its main aim is to exchange articles which are of no practical use.}}
The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It is, quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law, and surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is not done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at dates settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade routes, which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically, though transacted between tribes differing in language, culture, and probably even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent status, on a partnership which binds into couples some thousands of individuals. This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies various mutual duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of inter-tribal relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic mechanism of the transactions, this is based on a specific form of credit, which implies a high degree of mutual trust and commercial honour—and this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which accompanies the Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under stress of any need, since its main aim is to exchange articles which are of no practical use.}}
库拉不是一种偷偷摸摸、不稳定的交易形式。恰恰相反，它根植于神话，以传统法律为后盾，周围环绕着魔法仪式。它所有的主要交易都是公开的和仪式性的，并且按照一定的规则进行。它不是一时冲动，而是周期性地发生，在提前确定的日期，并沿着确定的贸易路线进行，这必须导致固定的幽会地点。从社会学的角度来看，尽管在语言、文化甚至种族方面存在差异的部落之间进行交易，但这种交易是建立在一种固定和永久的地位基础之上的，是建立在一种伙伴关系之上的，这种伙伴关系将成千上万的个体联系在一起。这种伙伴关系是一种终身的关系，它蕴含着各种相互的义务和特权，构成了一种规模巨大的部落间关系。至于交易的经济机制，则是基于某种特定形式的信贷，即高度互信及商业信誉ーー这亦指附属于库拉的小额贸易。最后，库拉不是在任何需要的压力下完成的，因为它的主要目的是交换没有实际用途的物品。}
[[File:Parure della regina maria amelia, parigi, 1800-15 poi 1850-75 ca.jpg|250px|thumb|French crown jewels in the Louvre exhibition]]
250px|thumb|French crown jewels in the Louvre exhibition
250px 图片 | 拇指 | 卢浮宫展览中的法国王冠珠宝
In the 1920s and later, Malinowski's study became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of ''[[The Gift (Mauss book)|The Gift]]'' (''Essai sur le don'', 1925).<ref>{{cite book|last=Mauss|first=Marcel|title=The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies|year=1970|publisher=Cohen & West|location=London}}</ref> Malinowski emphasized the exchange of goods between individuals and their non-altruistic motives for giving: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially referred to as "[[Indian giving]]"). In other words, [[Reciprocity (cultural anthropology)|reciprocity]] is an implicit part of gifting as no "free gift" is given without expectation of reciprocity. In contrast, Mauss has emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities.
He stated that this exchange system was clearly linked to political authority.<ref name="Parry 1986 453–73">{{cite journal|last=Parry|first=Jonathan|title=The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'|journal=Man|year=1986|volume=21|issue=3|pages=453–473|doi=10.2307/2803096|jstor=2803096}}</ref> He argued these gifts were a "total prestation" as they were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but like the "[[Crown jewels]]" embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group", such as a line of kings. Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away?" and his answer was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift". A good part of the confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the relationship; and the promise of any future gifts. Based on an improved translate, [[Jonathan Parry]] has demonstrated that Mauss was arguing that the concept of a "pure gift" given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well-developed market [[ideology]].<ref name="Parry 1986 453–73"/>
In the 1920s and later, Malinowski's study became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of The Gift (Essai sur le don, 1925). Malinowski emphasized the exchange of goods between individuals and their non-altruistic motives for giving: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially referred to as "Indian giving"). In other words, reciprocity is an implicit part of gifting as no "free gift" is given without expectation of reciprocity. In contrast, Mauss has emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities.
He stated that this exchange system was clearly linked to political authority. He argued these gifts were a "total prestation" as they were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but like the "Crown jewels" embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group", such as a line of kings. Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away?" and his answer was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift". A good part of the confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the relationship; and the promise of any future gifts. Based on an improved translate, Jonathan Parry has demonstrated that Mauss was arguing that the concept of a "pure gift" given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well-developed market ideology.
在20世纪20年代及以后，马林诺夫斯基的研究成为了与法国人类学家马塞尔 · 毛斯(Marcel Mauss)辩论的主题，毛斯是《礼物》(The Gift)一书的作者。马林诺夫斯基强调了个人之间的商品交换和他们非利他主义的给予动机: 他们期望获得同等或更大价值的回报(俗称“印度给予”)。换句话说，互惠是礼物的一个隐含部分，因为没有“免费的礼物”是给予没有期望的互惠。相比之下，莫斯强调，礼物不是在个人之间，而是在更大集体的代表之间。他说，这种交换制度显然与政治权威有关。他认为，这些礼物是一种“完全预置”，因为它们不是简单的、可转让的商品，不能买卖，而是像“皇冠上的珠宝”一样，体现了一个“企业亲属团体”的声誉、历史和身份认同感，比如一系列国王。考虑到利害关系，莫斯问道: “为什么会有人把它们送人呢?”他的回答是一个神秘的概念，“礼物的精神”。很大一部分的混乱(以及由此引起的争论)是由于翻译不好造成的。莫斯似乎认为，送礼物是为了维持送礼者之间的关系，如果不送礼物就会结束这种关系，以及未来送礼物的承诺。基于改进的翻译，乔纳森•帕里(Jonathan Parry)证明了莫斯的观点，即“纯粹的礼物”这一概念只有在市场意识形态发达的社会中才会出现。
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, [[Arjun Appadurai]] and others began to look at how objects flowed between these spheres of exchange. They shifted attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange and placed it on "the social life of things" instead. They examined the strategies by which an object could be "[[Commodity pathway diversion|singularized]]" (made unique, special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased [[Wedding ring|ring]] into an irreplaceable family [[heirloom]] is one example whereas the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, Arjun Appadurai and others began to look at how objects flowed between these spheres of exchange. They shifted attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange and placed it on "the social life of things" instead. They examined the strategies by which an object could be "singularized" (made unique, special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family heirloom is one example whereas the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.
Arjun Appadurai 和其他人并没有强调特定物品是礼物还是商品，在受限制的交易领域进行交易，而是开始研究物品如何在这些交易领域之间流动。他们把注意力从通过交换形成的人际关系的性质转移到“事物的社会生活”上。他们研究了一种策略，通过这种策略，一个物体可以被“单一化”(变得独一无二、特殊、独一无二) ，从而从市场中撤出。例如，一场婚礼将购买的戒指变成了不可替代的传家宝，而传家宝反过来又是一份完美的礼物。
=== Mathematical modeling ===
Although [[arithmetic]] has been used since the beginning of civilization to set prices, it was not until the 19th century that data was systematically collected and more advanced mathematical tools began to be used to study markets in the form of [[social statistics]]. [[Business intelligence]] is also dated to 19th century, but it was with the rise of the [[computer]] that [[business analytics]] exploded. More recent techniques involve [[data mining]] and [[marketing engineering]].
Although arithmetic has been used since the beginning of civilization to set prices, it was not until the 19th century that data was systematically collected and more advanced mathematical tools began to be used to study markets in the form of social statistics. Business intelligence is also dated to 19th century, but it was with the rise of the computer that business analytics exploded. More recent techniques involve data mining and marketing engineering.
数学建模虽然自文明开始以来就使用算术来确定价格，但直到19世纪，人们才系统地收集数据，并开始使用更先进的数学工具以社会统计的形式研究市场。商业智能也可以追溯到19世纪，但是随着计算机的兴起，商业分析得到了爆炸性的发展。最近的技术包括数据挖掘和市场营销工程。
==== Size parameters ====
Market size can be given in terms of the number of buyers and sellers in a particular market<ref>[http://www.investorwords.com/6576/market_size.html investorwords.com > market size] Retrieved on April 17, 2010</ref> or in terms of the total exchange of money in the market, generally annually (per year). When given in terms of money, market size is often termed "market value", but in a sense distinct from [[market value]] of individual products. For one and the same goods, there may be different (and generally increasing) market values at the production level, the wholesale level and the retail level. For example, the value of the global illicit drug market for the year 2003 was estimated by the [[United Nations]] to be US$13 billion at the production level, $94 billion at the wholesale level (taking seizures into account) and US$322 billion at the retail level (based on retail prices and taking seizures and other losses into account).<ref>United Nations, "2005 World Drug Report," Office on Drugs and Crime, June 2005, p. 16. [http://www.unodc.org/pdf/WDR_2005/volume_1_web.pdf]</ref>
Market size can be given in terms of the number of buyers and sellers in a particular marketinvestorwords.com > market size Retrieved on April 17, 2010 or in terms of the total exchange of money in the market, generally annually (per year). When given in terms of money, market size is often termed "market value", but in a sense distinct from market value of individual products. For one and the same goods, there may be different (and generally increasing) market values at the production level, the wholesale level and the retail level. For example, the value of the global illicit drug market for the year 2003 was estimated by the United Nations to be US$13 billion at the production level, $94 billion at the wholesale level (taking seizures into account) and US$322 billion at the retail level (based on retail prices and taking seizures and other losses into account).United Nations, "2005 World Drug Report," Office on Drugs and Crime, June 2005, p. 16.
= = = = 规模参数 = = = = = 市场规模可以按个别 marketinvestorwords.com 的买卖双方人数计算，亦可以按市场的货币交易总额计算，一般以每年(每年)计算。当以货币的形式给出时，市场规模通常被称为“市场价值”，但在某种意义上不同于单个产品的市场价值。对于同一种商品，在生产水平、批发水平和零售水平上可能存在不同的市场价值(并且这种价值一般都在增加)。例如，根据联合国的估计，2003年全球非法药物市场的价值在生产一级为130亿美元，在批发一级为940亿美元(考虑到缉获量) ，在零售一级为3,220亿美元(根据零售价格并考虑到缉获量和其他损失)。联合国，《2005年世界毒品报告》 ，毒品和犯罪问题办公室，2005年6月，第16页。
<gallery heights="200" widths="300">
File:Existing Home Sales Chart - Mar 09b.png|United States home sales (blue)
File:2008 UK Book Sales Value.png|Book Sales in the United Kingdom
File:LPO Market Size and Growth.png|Size and growth of the [[legal outsourcing]] market
File:Global Mobile Applications Store Revenue.svg|Global [[Mobile app|mobiles applications]] market size
</gallery>
File:Existing Home Sales Chart - Mar 09b.png|United States home sales (blue)
File:2008 UK Book Sales Value.png|Book Sales in the United Kingdom
File:LPO Market Size and Growth.png|Size and growth of the legal outsourcing market
File:Global Mobile Applications Store Revenue.svg|Global mobiles applications market size
档案: 现有住宅销售图表 -3月09日 b。Png | 美国家庭销售(蓝色)文件: 2008年英国图书销售价值 png | 英国图书销售文件: LPO 市场规模和增长.png | 法律外包市场的规模和增长文件: 全球移动应用商店收入 svg | 全球移动应用市场规模
== See also ==
{{div col|colwidth=15em}}
* [[Grocery store]]
* [[Knowledge market]]
* [[Market economy]]
* [[Market engineering]]
* [[Market information systems]]
* [[Market microstructure]]
* [[Market town]]
* [[Shopper marketing]]
{{div col end}}
* Grocery store
* Knowledge market
* Market economy
* Market engineering
* Market information systems
* Market microstructure
* Market town
* Shopper marketing
= = 参见同样 = =
* 杂货店
* 知识市场
* 市场经济
* 市场工程
* 市场信息系统
* 市场微观结构
* 市场城镇
* 购物者营销
== References ==
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}
== Further reading ==
{{stack|
{{Wiktionary}}
{{Wikiquote|label=Market|wikt=Market|Market}}
{{Commons}}
{{Library resources box|by=no|onlinebooks=no|others=no|about=yes|label=Market}}
}}
* [[Robert Pindyck|Pindyck, Robert S.]] and Daniel L. Rubinfeld, ''Microeconomics'', Prentice Hall 2012.
* [[Robert H. Frank|Frank, Robert H.]], ''Microeconomics and Behavior'', 6th ed., McGraw-Hill/Irwin 2006.
* [[Philip Kotler|Kotler, P.]] and [[Kevin Lane Keller|Keller, K.L.]], ''Marketing Management'', Prentice Hall 2011.
* Baker, Michael J. and Michael Saren, ''Marketing Theory: A Student Text'', Sage 2010. [https://books.google.com/books?id=79d5DYM2vWMC online].
* [[Patrik Aspers|Aspers, Patrik]], ''Markets'', Polity Press 2011. [https://books.google.com/books?id=0OKEa5p8mJ8C online].
* Bauer, Leonard and Herbert Matis (1988) ''From moral to political economy: The Genesis of social sciences'', History of European Ideas 9 (2), 125–143.
* Nathaus, Klaus and David Gilgen (Eds.), ''Change of Markets and Market Societies: Concepts and Case Studies''. [[Historical Social Research]] 36 (3), Special Issue, 2011.
* Pindyck, Robert S. and Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Microeconomics, Prentice Hall 2012.
* Frank, Robert H., Microeconomics and Behavior, 6th ed., McGraw-Hill/Irwin 2006.
* Kotler, P. and Keller, K.L., Marketing Management, Prentice Hall 2011.
* Baker, Michael J. and Michael Saren, Marketing Theory: A Student Text, Sage 2010. online.
* Aspers, Patrik, Markets, Polity Press 2011. online.
* Bauer, Leonard and Herbert Matis (1988) From moral to political economy: The Genesis of social sciences, History of European Ideas 9 (2), 125–143.
* Nathaus, Klaus and David Gilgen (Eds.), Change of Markets and Market Societies: Concepts and Case Studies. Historical Social Research 36 (3), Special Issue, 2011.
= = 延伸阅读 = =
* Pindyck，Robert S. and Daniel L. Rubinfeld，Microeconomics，Prentice Hall 2012。
* Frank，Robert H. ，《微观经济学与行为学》 ，第6版，McGraw-Hill/Irwin 2006。
* Kotler，P. and Keller，K.L. ，Marketing Management，Prentice Hall 2011.
* Baker，Michael J. and Michael Saren，Marketing Theory: A Student Text，Sage 2010. online.
* Aspers，Patrik，Markets，Polity Press 2011. online.鲍尔，伦纳德和赫伯特 · 马蒂斯(1988)从道德经济学到政治经济学: 社会科学的起源，欧洲思想史9(2) ，125-143。
* Nathaus，Klaus and David Gilgen (Eds.)、市场和市场社会的变化: 概念和案例研究。历史社会研究36(3) ，特刊，2011年。
{{Microeconomics}}
{{Authority control}}
[[Category:Market (economics)| ]]
[[Category:Financial markets|*]]
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<small>This page was moved from [[wikipedia:en:Market (economics)]]. Its edit history can be viewed at [[市场/edithistory]]</small></noinclude>
[[Category:待整理页面]]
{{short description|System in which parties engage in transactions according to supply and demand}}
{{redirect|Market forces|the novel by Richard Morgan|Market Forces|other uses|Market (disambiguation){{!}}Market}}
{{economics sidebar}}
{{financial markets}}
A '''market''' is a composition of [[system]]s, [[institution]]s, procedures, [[social relation]]s or [[infrastructure]]s whereby parties engage in [[Exchange (economics)|exchange]]. While parties may exchange goods and services by [[barter]], most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including [[labour power]]) to buyers in exchange for [[money]]. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate [[trade]] and enable the distribution and [[allocation of resources]] in a society. Markets allow any tradeable item to be evaluated and [[price]]d. A market [[emergence|emerges]] more or less [[spontaneous order|spontaneously]] or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. [[ownership]]) of services and goods. Markets generally supplant gift economies and are often held in place through rules and customs, such as a booth fee, competitive pricing, and source of goods for sale (local produce or stock registration).
A market is a composition of systems, institutions, procedures, social relations or infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labour power) to buyers in exchange for money. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate trade and enable the distribution and allocation of resources in a society. Markets allow any tradeable item to be evaluated and priced. A market emerges more or less spontaneously or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. ownership) of services and goods. Markets generally supplant gift economies and are often held in place through rules and customs, such as a booth fee, competitive pricing, and source of goods for sale (local produce or stock registration).
市场是由系统、制度、程序、社会关系或基础设施组成的，各方通过这些系统、制度、程序、社会关系或基础设施进行交换。虽然当事人可以以物易物的方式交换商品和服务，但大多数市场依赖卖方向买方提供商品或服务(包括劳动力)以换取金钱。可以说，市场是确定商品和服务价格的过程。市场促进贸易，使资源在社会中的分配和配置成为可能。市场允许对任何可交易的商品进行评估和定价。市场或多或少是自发出现的，或可能是人类为了能够进行权利交换而故意构建的。服务及货品的拥有权)。市场通常取代礼品经济，通常通过规则和习俗来维持，例如展位费、有竞争力的定价和出售商品的来源(当地产品或库存登记)。
Markets can differ by products (goods, services) or factors (labour and capital) sold, [[product differentiation]], place in which exchanges are carried, buyers targeted, duration, selling process, government regulation, taxes, subsidies, [[minimum wage]]s, [[price ceiling]]s, legality of exchange, liquidity, intensity of speculation, size, concentration, exchange asymmetry, [[relative price]]s, volatility and geographic extension. The geographic boundaries of a market may vary considerably, for example the food market in a single building, the real estate market in a local city, the consumer market in an entire country, or the economy of an international [[trade bloc]] where the same rules apply throughout. Markets can also be worldwide, see for example the global [[diamond trade]]. National economies can also be classified as [[developed market]]s or [[developing market]]s.
Markets can differ by products (goods, services) or factors (labour and capital) sold, product differentiation, place in which exchanges are carried, buyers targeted, duration, selling process, government regulation, taxes, subsidies, minimum wages, price ceilings, legality of exchange, liquidity, intensity of speculation, size, concentration, exchange asymmetry, relative prices, volatility and geographic extension. The geographic boundaries of a market may vary considerably, for example the food market in a single building, the real estate market in a local city, the consumer market in an entire country, or the economy of an international trade bloc where the same rules apply throughout. Markets can also be worldwide, see for example the global diamond trade. National economies can also be classified as developed markets or developing markets.
市场可以根据出售的产品(商品、服务)或因素(劳动力和资本)、产品差异化、交易所所在地、买家目标、持续时间、销售过程、政府监管、税收、补贴、最低工资、价格上限、交易的合法性、流动性、投机强度、规模、集中度、交易所不对称、相对价格、波动性和地域延伸性而有所不同。一个市场的地理边界可能有很大的不同，例如单一建筑物的食品市场、当地城市的房地产市场、整个国家的消费者市场，或者在整个国际贸易集团中适用同样规则的经济。市场也可以是全球性的，例如全球钻石贸易。国民经济也可以分为发达市场和发展中市场。
In [[mainstream economics]], the concept of a market is any structure that allows buyers and sellers to exchange any type of goods, services and [[information economy|information]]. The exchange of goods or services, with or without [[money]], is a [[Financial transaction|transaction]].<ref>[http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/transaction "Transaction"], Oxford Dictionaries. Retrieved 25 October 2014.</ref> [[Market participant]]s consist of all the buyers and sellers of a [[Goods|good]] who influence its [[price]], which is a major topic of study of [[economic]]s and has given rise to several theories and [[economic models|models]] concerning the basic market forces of [[supply and demand]]. A major topic of debate is how much a given market can be considered to be a "[[free market]]", that is free from [[economic interventionism|government intervention]]. Microeconomics traditionally focuses on the study of market structure and the efficiency of [[market equilibrium]]; when the latter (if it exists) is not efficient, then economists say that a [[market failure]] has occurred. However, it is not always clear how the allocation of resources can be improved since there is always the possibility of [[government failure]].
In mainstream economics, the concept of a market is any structure that allows buyers and sellers to exchange any type of goods, services and information. The exchange of goods or services, with or without money, is a transaction."Transaction", Oxford Dictionaries. Retrieved 25 October 2014. Market participants consist of all the buyers and sellers of a good who influence its price, which is a major topic of study of economics and has given rise to several theories and models concerning the basic market forces of supply and demand. A major topic of debate is how much a given market can be considered to be a "free market", that is free from government intervention. Microeconomics traditionally focuses on the study of market structure and the efficiency of market equilibrium; when the latter (if it exists) is not efficient, then economists say that a market failure has occurred. However, it is not always clear how the allocation of resources can be improved since there is always the possibility of government failure.
在主流经济学中，市场的概念是允许买卖双方交换任何类型的商品、服务和信息的任何结构。货物或服务的交换，不管有没有货币，都是一种交易。《交易》 ，牛津词典。2014年10月25日检索。市场参与者包括影响商品价格的所有买方和卖方，价格是经济学研究的一个主要课题，已经产生了关于供求基本市场力量的若干理论和模型。争论的一个主要话题是，一个特定的市场在多大程度上可以被视为一个“自由市场”，即不受政府干预的市场。微观经济学传统上侧重于研究市场结构和市场均衡的效率; 当后者(如果存在的话)效率不高时，经济学家就会说市场失灵已经发生。然而，我们并不总是清楚如何改善资源的分配，因为总是存在政府失败的可能性。
== Definition ==
In economics, a market is a coordinating mechanism that uses prices to convey information among economic entities (such as [[company|firms]], households and individuals) to regulate production and distribution. In his seminal 1937 article "[[The Nature of the Firm]]", [[Ronald Coase]] wrote: "An economist thinks of the economic system as being coordinated by the price mechanism....in economic theory we find that the allocation of factors of production between different uses is determined by the price mechanism".<ref name="natureofthefirm">{{cite journal|doi=10.1111/j.1468-0335.1937.tb00002.x|last=Coase|first=Ronald|author-link=Ronald Coase|year=1937|title=The Nature of the Firm|journal=Economica|volume=4|issue=16|pages=386–405|jstor=2626876|publisher=Blackwell Publishing}}</ref> Thus the usage of the price mechanism to convey information is the defining feature of the market. This is in contrast to a firm, which as Coase put it, "the distinguishing mark of the firm is the super-session of the price mechanism".<ref name="natureofthefirm"/>
In economics, a market is a coordinating mechanism that uses prices to convey information among economic entities (such as firms, households and individuals) to regulate production and distribution. In his seminal 1937 article "The Nature of the Firm", Ronald Coase wrote: "An economist thinks of the economic system as being coordinated by the price mechanism....in economic theory we find that the allocation of factors of production between different uses is determined by the price mechanism". Thus the usage of the price mechanism to convey information is the defining feature of the market. This is in contrast to a firm, which as Coase put it, "the distinguishing mark of the firm is the super-session of the price mechanism".
在经济学中，市场是一种协调机制，利用价格在经济实体(如企业、家庭和个人)之间传递信息，以调节生产和分配。罗纳德•科斯(Ronald Coase)在1937年发表的开创性文章《企业的本质》(The Nature of The Company)中写道: “经济学家认为，经济体系是由价格机制协调的... ... 在经济理论中，我们发现生产要素在不同用途之间的分配是由价格机制决定的。”。因此，利用价格机制传递信息是市场的拥有属性。这与科斯所说的公司形成了鲜明对比，“公司的标志是价格机制的超级会议”。
Thus, Firms and Markets are two opposite forms of organizing production; Coase wrote:<ref name="natureofthefirm"/>
{{blockquote|Outside the firm, price movements direct production, which is co-ordinated through a series of exchange transactions on the market. Within a firm, these market transactions are eliminated and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur-co-ordinator, who directs production.}}
Thus, Firms and Markets are two opposite forms of organizing production; Coase wrote:
因此，公司和市场是组织生产的两种截然相反的形式; 科斯写道:
There are also other hybrid forms of coordinating mechanisms, in between the hierarchical firm and price-coordinating market(e.g. [[global value chain]]s, [[Business Venture]]s, [[Joint Venture]], and [[strategic alliance]]s).
There are also other hybrid forms of coordinating mechanisms, in between the hierarchical firm and price-coordinating market(e.g. global value chains, Business Ventures, Joint Venture, and strategic alliances).
还有其他混合形式的协调机制，在等级制企业和价格协调市场(如。全球价值链、商业企业、合资企业和战略联盟)。
The reasons for the existence of firms or other forms of co-ordinating mechanisms of production and distribution alongside the market are studied in "The Theory of the Firm" literature, with various [[complete contract|complete]] and [[Incomplete contracts|incomplete contract]] theories trying to explain the existence of the firm. Incomplete contract theories that are explicitly based on [[bounded rationality]] lead to the costs of writing complete contracts. Such theories include: Transaction Cost Economies <ref>{{Cite book|last=Williamson|first=Oliver E.|date=1989|chapter=3: Transaction Cost Economies|title=Handbook of Industrial Organization|pages=135–182|publisher=Elsevier|doi=10.1016/S1573-448X(89)01006-X|volume=1|isbn=9780444704344}}</ref> by [[Oliver E. Williamson|Oliver Williamson]] and Residual Rights Theory<ref>{{Cite journal|title=The Costs and Benefits of Ownership: A Theory of Vertical and Lateral Integration|doi=10.1086/261404|journal=Journal of Political Economy|year=1986|volume=94|last1=Grossman|first1=Sanford J.|last2=Hart|first2=Oliver D.|issue=4|pages=691–719|url=http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3450060}}</ref> by Groomsman, Hart, and Moore.
The reasons for the existence of firms or other forms of co-ordinating mechanisms of production and distribution alongside the market are studied in "The Theory of the Firm" literature, with various complete and incomplete contract theories trying to explain the existence of the firm. Incomplete contract theories that are explicitly based on bounded rationality lead to the costs of writing complete contracts. Such theories include: Transaction Cost Economies by Oliver Williamson and Residual Rights Theory by Groomsman, Hart, and Moore.
企业存在的原因或其他形式的协调机制的生产和分配与市场一起研究“企业理论”的文献，与各种完整和不完整的契约理论试图解释企业的存在。明确基于有限理性的不完全契约理论导致了撰写完整契约的成本。这些理论包括: 奥利弗 · 威廉姆森的交易成本经济学和伴郎、哈特和摩尔的剩余权利理论。
Market-Firms's dichotomy can be contrasted with the relationship between the agents transacting. While in a market the relationship is short term and restricted to the contract, in the case of firms and other co-ordinating mechanisms it is for a longer duration.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Kállay|first=Balázs|title=Contract Theory of the Firm|date=2012|doi=10.14254/2071-789X.2012/5-1/3|journal=Journal of Scientific Papers ECONOMICS & SOCIOLOGY|volume=5|pages=39–50|doi-access=free}}</ref>
Market-Firms's dichotomy can be contrasted with the relationship between the agents transacting. While in a market the relationship is short term and restricted to the contract, in the case of firms and other co-ordinating mechanisms it is for a longer duration.
市场企业的二分法可以与代理人之间的交易关系进行对比。在市场中，这种关系是短期的，仅限于合同，而在公司和其他协调机制中，这种关系的持续时间更长。
In the modern world much economic activity takes place through fiat and not the market. Lafontaine and Slade (2007) estimates, in the US, that the total value added in transactions inside the firms equal the total value added of all market transactions.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Lafontaine|first1=Francine|last2=Slade|first2=Margaret|date=2007|title=Vertical Integration and Firm Boundaries: The Evidence|jstor=27646842|journal=Journal of Economic Literature|volume=45|issue=3|pages=629–685|doi=10.1257/jel.45.3.629|url=https://ageconsearch.umn.edu/record/269756/files/twerp_799.pdf}}</ref> Similarly, 80% of all World Trade is conducted under Global Value Chains (2012 estimate), while 33% (1996 estimate) is intra-firm trade.<ref>{{cite web|title=80% of trade takes place in 'value chains' linked to transnational corporations, UNCTAD report says|url=https://unctad.org/en/pages/PressRelease.aspx?OriginalVersionID=113|publisher=[[United Nations Conference on Trade and Development]]|date=27 February 2013|access-date=18 July 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite document|title=World Investment Report 1996|date=1996|publisher=[[United Nations Conference on Trade and Development]]|url=https://unctad.org/en/pages/PublicationArchive.aspx?publicationid=646#:~:text=The%20World%20Investment%20Report%201996,interlinkages%20between%20FDI%20and%20trade.&text=And%20they%20contribute%20to%20more%20international%20negotiations%20on%20investment.|access-date=18 July 2020}}</ref> Nearly 50% of US imports and 30% of exports take place within firms.<ref>{{cite web|last=Antras|first=Pol|date=2015|title=Global Production: Firms, Contracts, and Trade Structure|url=https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/antras/files/global_production_slides.pdf|access-date=19 July 2020}}</ref> While Rajan and Zingales (1998) have found that in 43 countries two-thirds of the growth in value added between 1980 and 1990 came from increase in firm size.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Rajan|first1=Raghuram G.|last2=Zingales|first2=Luigi|date=1998|title=Financial Dependence and Growth|jstor=116849|journal=The American Economic Review|volume=88|issue=3|pages=559–586|doi=10.3386/w5758|doi-access=free}}</ref>
In the modern world much economic activity takes place through fiat and not the market. Lafontaine and Slade (2007) estimates, in the US, that the total value added in transactions inside the firms equal the total value added of all market transactions. Similarly, 80% of all World Trade is conducted under Global Value Chains (2012 estimate), while 33% (1996 estimate) is intra-firm trade. Nearly 50% of US imports and 30% of exports take place within firms. While Rajan and Zingales (1998) have found that in 43 countries two-thirds of the growth in value added between 1980 and 1990 came from increase in firm size.
在现代世界，许多经济活动是通过法令而非市场进行的。Lafontaine 和 Slade (2007)估计，在美国，公司内部交易的总增加值等于所有市场交易的总增加值。同样，80% 的世界贸易是在全球价值链下进行的(2012年估计) ，而33% (1996年估计)是公司内部贸易。美国近50% 的进口和30% 的出口都发生在企业内部。Rajan 和 Zingales (1998)发现，在43个国家中，1980年至1990年间增加值的三分之二来自企业规模的增长。
== Types ==
A market is one of the many varieties of [[system]]s, [[institution]]s, procedures, [[social relation]]s and [[infrastructure]]s whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by [[barter]], most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labour) in exchange for [[money]] from buyers. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate [[trade]] and enable the distribution and [[allocation of resources]] in a society. Markets allow any trade-able item to be evaluated and [[price]]d. A market sometimes [[emergence|emerges]] more or less [[spontaneous order|spontaneously]] or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. [[ownership]]) of services and goods.
A market is one of the many varieties of systems, institutions, procedures, social relations and infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labour) in exchange for money from buyers. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established. Markets facilitate trade and enable the distribution and allocation of resources in a society. Markets allow any trade-able item to be evaluated and priced. A market sometimes emerges more or less spontaneously or may be constructed deliberately by human interaction in order to enable the exchange of rights (cf. ownership) of services and goods.
市场是各方进行交换的各种系统、制度、程序、社会关系和基础设施之一。虽然当事人可以以物易物的方式交换货物和服务，但大多数市场依赖卖方提供其货物或服务(包括劳动力)以换取买方的钱。可以说，市场是确定商品和服务价格的过程。市场促进贸易，使资源在社会中的分配和配置成为可能。市场允许对任何可交易的商品进行评估和定价。市场有时或多或少是自发形成的，或可能是人类为了能够进行权利交换而故意构建的。服务及货品的拥有权)。
Markets of varying types can spontaneously arise whenever a party has interest in a good or service that some other party can provide. Hence there can be a market for cigarettes in correctional facilities, another for chewing gum in a playground, and yet another for contracts for the future delivery of a commodity. There can be [[black market]]s, where a good is exchanged illegally, for example markets for goods under a command economy despite pressure to repress them and [[e-commerce|virtual markets]], such as [[eBay]], in which buyers and sellers do not physically interact during negotiation. A market can be organized as an [[auction]], as a [[private electronic market]], as a commodity [[wholesale market]], as a [[shopping center]], as complex institutions such as international markets and as an informal discussion between two individuals.
Markets of varying types can spontaneously arise whenever a party has interest in a good or service that some other party can provide. Hence there can be a market for cigarettes in correctional facilities, another for chewing gum in a playground, and yet another for contracts for the future delivery of a commodity. There can be black markets, where a good is exchanged illegally, for example markets for goods under a command economy despite pressure to repress them and virtual markets, such as eBay, in which buyers and sellers do not physically interact during negotiation. A market can be organized as an auction, as a private electronic market, as a commodity wholesale market, as a shopping center, as complex institutions such as international markets and as an informal discussion between two individuals.
只要一方对另一方可以提供的商品或服务感兴趣，就可以自发形成不同类型的市场。因此，在监狱里可以有一个香烟市场，在操场上可以有一个口香糖市场，在未来交付一种商品的合同市场也可以有一个。可能存在商品非法交换的黑市，例如指令经济下的商品市场，尽管有压力要压制它们; 还有虚拟市场，例如 eBay，在这种市场中，买家和卖家在谈判期间不进行实际互动。市场可以组织成拍卖、私人电子市场、商品批发市场、购物中心、国际市场等复杂机构以及两个人之间的非正式讨论。
Markets vary in form, scale (volume and geographic reach), location and types of participants as well as the types of goods and services traded. The following is a non exhaustive list:
Markets vary in form, scale (volume and geographic reach), location and types of participants as well as the types of goods and services traded. The following is a non exhaustive list:
市场在形式、规模(数量和地理范围)、参与者的位置和类型以及交易的商品和服务类型等方面各不相同。以下是一个非详尽的清单:
=== Physical consumer markets ===
[[File:Main Entrance - Stuart Saunders Hogg Market - Kolkata 2013-12-24 1394.JPG|thumb|right|250px|Front view of Stuart Saunders Hogg Market, [[Kolkata]]]]
* Food retail markets: [[farmers' market]]s, [[fish market]]s, [[wet market]]s and [[grocery store]]s
* Retail marketplaces: [[Market (place)|public markets]], [[market square]]s, [[Main Street]]s, [[High Street]]s, [[bazaar]]s, [[souq]]s, [[night market]]s, shopping [[strip mall]]s and [[shopping mall]]s
* [[Big-box store]]s: [[supermarket]]s, [[hypermarket]]s and [[discount store]]s
* ''Ad hoc'' [[auction]] markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Used goods markets such as [[flea market]]s
* Temporary markets such as [[fair]]s
* [[Real estate market]]s
* Food retail markets: farmers' markets, fish markets, wet markets and grocery stores
* Retail marketplaces: public markets, market squares, Main Streets, High Streets, bazaars, souqs, night markets, shopping strip malls and shopping malls
* Big-box stores: supermarkets, hypermarkets and discount stores
* Ad hoc auction markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Used goods markets such as flea markets
* Temporary markets such as fairs
* Real estate markets
* 食品零售市场: 农贸市场、鱼市场、菜市场和杂货店
* 零售市场: 公共市场、市场广场、主要街道、商业街、集市、集市、夜市、商业街和购物中心
* 大卖场: 超市、超级市场和折扣店
* 特别拍卖市场: 通过出价、接受出价然后将物品卖给出价最高者来购买和销售商品或服务的过程
* 二手商品市场如跳蚤市场
* 集市等临时市场
* 房地产市场
=== Physical business markets ===
[[File:Microcosm of London Plate 033 - Corn Exchange.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Corn Exchange]] in London, circa 1809]]
* Physical [[wholesale market]]s: sale of goods or merchandise to retailers; to industrial, commercial, institutional, or other professional business users or to other wholesalers and related subordinated services
* Markets for [[intermediate good]]s used in production of other goods and services
* [[Labour market]]s: where people sell their labour to businesses in exchange for a [[wage]]
* [[Online auction business model|Online auctions]] and ''Ad hoc'' [[auction]] markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Temporary markets such as [[trade fair]]s
* [[Energy market]]s
* Physical wholesale markets: sale of goods or merchandise to retailers; to industrial, commercial, institutional, or other professional business users or to other wholesalers and related subordinated services
* Markets for intermediate goods used in production of other goods and services
* Labour markets: where people sell their labour to businesses in exchange for a wage
* Online auctions and Ad hoc auction markets: process of buying and selling goods or services by offering them up for bid, taking bids and then selling the item to the highest bidder
* Temporary markets such as trade fairs
* Energy markets
* 实体批发市场: 向零售商出售商品或商品; 向工业、商业、机构或其他专业商业用户或其他批发商及相关附属服务出售商品或商品
* 用于生产其他商品和服务的中间商品市场
* 劳动力市场: 人们向企业出售劳动力以换取工资
* 在线拍卖和特设拍卖市场: 通过出价购买和出售商品或服务，进行拍卖，然后将商品出售给出价最高者的过程
* 贸易展览会等临时市场
* 能源市场
=== Non-physical markets ===
* [[Media market]]s (broadcast market): is a region where the population can receive the same (or similar) television and radio station offerings and may also include other types of media including newspapers and Internet content
* Internet markets ([[electronic commerce]]): trading in products or services using computer networks, such as the Internet
* Artificial markets created by regulation to exchange rights for derivatives that have been designed to ameliorate [[externalities]], such as pollution permits (see [[carbon trading]])
* Media markets (broadcast market): is a region where the population can receive the same (or similar) television and radio station offerings and may also include other types of media including newspapers and Internet content
* Internet markets (electronic commerce): trading in products or services using computer networks, such as the Internet
* Artificial markets created by regulation to exchange rights for derivatives that have been designed to ameliorate externalities, such as pollution permits (see carbon trading)
媒体市场(广播市场) : 是一个地区，人们可以收到相同的(或类似的)电视和广播电台节目，也可能包括其他类型的媒体，包括报纸和互联网内容
* 互联网市场(电子商务) : 使用计算机网络交易产品或服务，如互联网
* 人工市场通过监管创建，以交换衍生产品的权利，这些衍生产品旨在改善外部性，如污染许可证(见碳交易)
=== Financial markets ===
[[File:No Known Restrictions- New York Stock Exchange Floor by Thomas J. O'Halloran, 1963 (LOC).jpg|thumb|right|250px|[[New York Stock Exchange]] ([[United States]]), 1963]]
[[Financial market]]s facilitate the exchange of [[liquid asset]]s. Most investors prefer investing in two markets:
* The [[stock market]]s, for the exchange of shares in [[corporation]]s ([[NYSE]], [[American Stock Exchange|AMEX]] and the [[NASDAQ]] are the most common stock markets in the United States)
* The [[bond market]]s
Financial markets facilitate the exchange of liquid assets. Most investors prefer investing in two markets:
* The stock markets, for the exchange of shares in corporations (NYSE, AMEX and the NASDAQ are the most common stock markets in the United States)
* The bond markets
金融市场促进流动资产的交换。大多数投资者喜欢投资于两个市场:
* 股票市场，用于公司股票交易(纽约证券交易所、美国证券交易所和纳斯达克是美国最常见的股票市场)
* 债券市场
There are also:
* [[Currency market]]s are used to trade one currency for another, and are often used for speculation on currency exchange rates
* The [[money market]] is the name for the global market for lending and borrowing
* [[Futures market]]s, where contracts are exchanged regarding the future delivery of goods are often an outgrowth of general [[commodity market]]s
* [[Prediction market]]s are a type of speculative market in which the goods exchanged are futures on the occurrence of certain events; they apply the market dynamics to facilitate information aggregation
* [[Insurance]] markets
* [[Debt market]]s
There are also:
* Currency markets are used to trade one currency for another, and are often used for speculation on currency exchange rates
* The money market is the name for the global market for lending and borrowing
* Futures markets, where contracts are exchanged regarding the future delivery of goods are often an outgrowth of general commodity markets
* Prediction markets are a type of speculative market in which the goods exchanged are futures on the occurrence of certain events; they apply the market dynamics to facilitate information aggregation
* Insurance markets
* Debt markets
还有:
* 货币市场被用来交易一种货币换另一种货币，并且经常被用来对货币汇率进行投机
* 货币市场是全球借贷市场的名称
* 期货市场，在这里交换关于未来交付货物的合同通常是一般商品市场的产物
* 预测市场是一种投机市场，在这种市场中交换的货物是某些事件发生时的期货; 它们应用市场动态来促进信息聚合
* 保险市场
* 债务市场
=== Unauthorized and illegal markets ===
* [[Grey market]]s (parallel markets): is the trade of a commodity through distribution channels which, while legal, are unofficial, unauthorized, or unintended by the original manufacturer{{Citation needed|date=January 2015}}
* [[Black market|markets in illegal goods]] such as the market for [[Illegal drug trade|illicit drugs]], [[arms trafficking|illegal arms]], [[Copyright infringement|infringing products]], cigarettes sold to minors or [[Death of Eric Garner|untaxed cigarettes]] (in some jurisdictions), or the private sale of un[[pasteurized]] [[goat milk]]<ref name=ewot2014>
{{cite book |last1=Heyne|first1=Paul |last2=Boettke|first2=Peter J. |last3=Prychitko|first3=David L. |title=The Economic Way of Thinking |date=2014 |publisher=Pearson |isbn=978-0-13-299129-2 |pages=130–132 |edition=13th }}</ref>
* Grey markets (parallel markets): is the trade of a commodity through distribution channels which, while legal, are unofficial, unauthorized, or unintended by the original manufacturer
* markets in illegal goods such as the market for illicit drugs, illegal arms, infringing products, cigarettes sold to minors or untaxed cigarettes (in some jurisdictions), or the private sale of unpasteurized goat milk
* 灰色市场(平行市场) : 指通过分销渠道进行的商品贸易，这些渠道虽然合法，但是非官方、未经授权或原制造商无意进行的
* 非法商品市场，如非法药品市场、非法武器市场、侵权产品市场、卖给未成年人的香烟或未征税的香烟(在某些司法管辖区) ，或私人销售未经巴氏灭菌的山羊奶
== Mechanisms ==
[[File:Preziosi - Piaţă la Râmnicu Vâlcea.jpg|thumb|250px|A market in [[Râmnicu Vâlcea]] by Amedeo Preziosi]]
[[File:Vaclav Maly - Cabbage Market 060.jpg|thumb|250px|Cabbage market by Václav Malý]]
In economics, a market that runs under [[laissez-faire]] policies is called a [[free market]], it is "free" from the government, in the sense that the government makes no attempt to intervene through [[tax]]es, [[subsidy|subsidies]], [[minimum wage]]s, [[price ceiling]]s and so on. However, market prices may be distorted by a seller or sellers with [[monopoly]] power, or a buyer with [[monopsony]] power. Such price distortions can have an adverse effect on market participant's welfare and reduce the [[Pareto efficiency|efficiency]] of market outcomes. The relative level of organization and [[bargaining power|negotiating power]] of buyers and sellers also markedly affects the functioning of the market.
thumb|250px|Cabbage market by Václav Malý
In economics, a market that runs under laissez-faire policies is called a free market, it is "free" from the government, in the sense that the government makes no attempt to intervene through taxes, subsidies, minimum wages, price ceilings and so on. However, market prices may be distorted by a seller or sellers with monopoly power, or a buyer with monopsony power. Such price distortions can have an adverse effect on market participant's welfare and reduce the efficiency of market outcomes. The relative level of organization and negotiating power of buyers and sellers also markedly affects the functioning of the market.
在经济学中，一个在自由放任政策下运行的市场被称为自由市场，它是从政府手中“自由”的，在这个意义上，政府不会试图通过税收、补贴、最低工资、价格上限等手段进行干预。然而，市场价格可能被具有垄断权力的卖方或卖方，或具有垄断权力的买方所扭曲。这种价格扭曲会对市场参与者的福利产生不利影响，降低市场结果的效率。买卖双方的组织水平和谈判能力也显著影响市场的运作。
Markets are a [[system]] and systems have [[structure]]. The [[Market structure|structure]] of a well-functioning market is defined by the theory of [[perfect competition]]. Well-functioning markets of the real world are never perfect, but basic structural characteristics can be approximated for real world markets, for example:
* Many small buyers and sellers
* Buyers and sellers have equal access to information
* Products are comparable
Markets are a system and systems have structure. The structure of a well-functioning market is defined by the theory of perfect competition. Well-functioning markets of the real world are never perfect, but basic structural characteristics can be approximated for real world markets, for example:
* Many small buyers and sellers
* Buyers and sellers have equal access to information
* Products are comparable
市场是一个系统，系统是有结构的。运转良好的市场结构是由完全竞争理论所定义的。现实世界中运转良好的市场从来都不是完美的，但是基本的结构特征可以近似于现实世界的市场，例如:
* 许多小买家和卖家
* 买家和卖家有平等的机会获得信息
* 产品是可比较的
Markets where price negotiations meet equilibrium, but the equilibrium is not [[Pareto efficiency|efficient]] are said to experience [[market failure]]. Market failures are often associated with [[time-inconsistent preferences]], [[Information asymmetry|information asymmetries]], [[Market structure|non-perfectly competitive markets]], [[principal–agent problem]]s, [[externalities]], or [[public goods]]. Among the major negative externalities which can occur as a side effect of production and market exchange, are [[air pollution]] (side-effect of [[manufacturing]] and [[logistics]]) and [[environmental degradation]] (side-effect of [[farm]]ing and [[urbanization]]).
Markets where price negotiations meet equilibrium, but the equilibrium is not efficient are said to experience market failure. Market failures are often associated with time-inconsistent preferences, information asymmetries, non-perfectly competitive markets, principal–agent problems, externalities, or public goods. Among the major negative externalities which can occur as a side effect of production and market exchange, are air pollution (side-effect of manufacturing and logistics) and environmental degradation (side-effect of farming and urbanization).
价格谈判达到均衡，但均衡效率不高的市场称为市场失灵。市场失灵往往与时间不一致的偏好、信息不对称、不完全竞争市场、委托代理问题、外部性或公共产品有关。作为生产和市场交换的副作用，主要的负外部性包括空气污染(制造和物流的副作用)和生物可分解添加物(农业和城市化的副作用)。
There exists a popular thought, especially among [[economist]]s, that free markets would have a structure of a [[perfect competition]].{{Citation needed|date=March 2015}}<!-- this seems more of an idealized model in college economics textbooks, like frictionless motion in physics textbooks. need a cite that this idea is popular among particular economists. --> The logic behind this thought is that market failure is thought to be caused by other [[Exogeny|exogenic]] systems, and after removing those exogenic systems ("freeing" the markets) the free markets could run without market failures.{{Citation needed|date=March 2015}}<!-- is this other than the idealized markets for theoretical purposes? --> For a market to be competitive, there must be more than a single buyer or seller. It has been suggested that two people may trade, but it takes at least three persons to have a market so that there is competition in at least one of its two sides.<ref>{{cite book|last1=O'Sullivan|first1=Arthur|author-link=Arthur O'Sullivan (economist)|first2=Steven M.|last2=Sheffrin|author-link2=Steven M. Sheffrin|title=Economics: Principles in Action|publisher=Pearson Prentice Hall|year=2003|location=Upper Saddle River, New Jersey|page=28|isbn=978-0-13-063085-8}}</ref> However, competitive markets—as understood in formal economic theory—rely on much larger numbers of both buyers and sellers. A market with a single seller and multiple buyers is a [[monopoly]]. A market with a single buyer and multiple sellers is a [[monopsony]]. These are "the polar opposites of perfect competition".<ref>Robert S. Pindyck, Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Microeconomics, Pearson International Edition 2009</ref> As an argument against such logic, there is a second view that suggests that the source of market failures is inside the market system itself, therefore the removal of other interfering systems would not result in markets with a structure of perfect competition. As an analogy, such an argument may suggest that capitalists do not want to enhance the structure of markets, just like a [[coach (sport)|coach]] of a football team would influence the [[referee]]s or would break the [[Regulation of sport|rules]] if he could while he is pursuing his target of winning the game. Thus, according to this view, capitalists are not enhancing the balance of their team versus the team of [[consumer]]-[[Workforce|workers]], so the market system needs a "referee" from outside that balances the game. In this second framework, the role of a "referee" of the market system is usually to be given to a [[democracy|democratic]] government.
There exists a popular thought, especially among economists, that free markets would have a structure of a perfect competition. The logic behind this thought is that market failure is thought to be caused by other exogenic systems, and after removing those exogenic systems ("freeing" the markets) the free markets could run without market failures. For a market to be competitive, there must be more than a single buyer or seller. It has been suggested that two people may trade, but it takes at least three persons to have a market so that there is competition in at least one of its two sides. However, competitive markets—as understood in formal economic theory—rely on much larger numbers of both buyers and sellers. A market with a single seller and multiple buyers is a monopoly. A market with a single buyer and multiple sellers is a monopsony. These are "the polar opposites of perfect competition".Robert S. Pindyck, Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Microeconomics, Pearson International Edition 2009 As an argument against such logic, there is a second view that suggests that the source of market failures is inside the market system itself, therefore the removal of other interfering systems would not result in markets with a structure of perfect competition. As an analogy, such an argument may suggest that capitalists do not want to enhance the structure of markets, just like a coach of a football team would influence the referees or would break the rules if he could while he is pursuing his target of winning the game. Thus, according to this view, capitalists are not enhancing the balance of their team versus the team of consumer-workers, so the market system needs a "referee" from outside that balances the game. In this second framework, the role of a "referee" of the market system is usually to be given to a democratic government.
有一种流行的思想，特别是在经济学家中，认为自由市场将有一个完全竞争的结构。这一思想背后的逻辑是，市场失灵被认为是由其他外生系统造成的，在消除了这些外生系统(“释放”市场)之后，自由市场可以在没有市场失灵的情况下运行。为了使市场具有竞争力，必须有多个单一的买方或卖方。有人建议，两个人可以交易，但至少需要三个人才能拥有一个市场，这样，双方中至少有一方存在竞争。然而，正式的经济理论认为，竞争性市场依赖的买家和卖家数量要多得多。一个市场只有一个卖家和多个买家，这就是垄断。一个市场只有一个买家和多个卖家，这就是垄断。这是“完全竞争的两极对立”。罗伯特 · S · 品迪克(Robert S. Pindyck) ，丹尼尔 · L · 鲁宾菲尔德(Daniel L. Rubinfeld) ，微观经济学，皮尔逊国际版2009年作为反对这种逻辑的论点，还有一种观点认为，市场失灵的根源在于市场体系本身，因此，消除其他干扰体系不会导致市场具有完全竞争的结构。作为一个类比，这种论点可能表明，资本家不想改善市场结构，就好象足球队的教练在追求自己赢球的目标时，如果可以的话，就会影响裁判或打破规则一样。因此，根据这种观点，资本家并没有增强他们的团队与消费者劳动者团队之间的平衡，因此市场体系需要一个来自外部的“裁判”来平衡游戏。在第二个框架中，市场体系的“裁判”角色通常赋予民主政府。
== Research ==
[[File:Wet market in Singapore 2.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Wet market]] in [[Singapore]]]]
Disciplines such as [[sociology]], [[economic history]], [[economic geography]] and [[marketing]] developed novel understandings of markets<ref>{{cite journal |journal=The Marketing Review |year=2012 |volume=12 |issue=1 |pages=61–77 |title=Theories of markets: Insights from marketing and the sociology of markets |author=Diaz Ruiz, C.A. |doi=10.1362/146934712X13286274424316 }}</ref> studying actual existing markets made up of persons interacting in diverse ways in contrast to an abstract and all-encompassing concepts of "the market". The term "the market" is generally used in two ways:
# "The market" denotes the abstract mechanisms whereby supply and demand confront each other and deals are made; in its place, reference to markets reflects ordinary experience and the places, processes and institutions in which exchanges occurs<ref>Callon, M. (1998) "Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics." In The Laws of the Markets, edited by Michel Callon. Basic Blackwell/The Sociological Review pp. 1–57 1998, p.2).</ref>
# "The market" signifies an integrated, all-encompassing and cohesive capitalist world economy.
Disciplines such as sociology, economic history, economic geography and marketing developed novel understandings of markets studying actual existing markets made up of persons interacting in diverse ways in contrast to an abstract and all-encompassing concepts of "the market". The term "the market" is generally used in two ways:
# "The market" denotes the abstract mechanisms whereby supply and demand confront each other and deals are made; in its place, reference to markets reflects ordinary experience and the places, processes and institutions in which exchanges occursCallon, M. (1998) "Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics." In The Laws of the Markets, edited by Michel Callon. Basic Blackwell/The Sociological Review pp. 1–57 1998, p.2).
# "The market" signifies an integrated, all-encompassing and cohesive capitalist world economy.
社会学、经济历史学、经济地理学和市场营销学等学科发展了对市场的新理解，这些市场研究的是由不同方式相互作用的人组成的实际存在的市场，而不是一个抽象的、包罗万象的“市场”概念。术语“市场”通常有两种用法: # “市场”指的是供求相互对峙和交易发生的抽象机制; 取而代之的是，对市场的引用反映了普通经验以及交易发生的地点、过程和制度在市场法则，编辑米歇尔卡隆。基本的布莱克威尔社会学评论。1-571998年，第2页)。# “市场”意味着一个综合的、包罗万象的、有凝聚力的资本主义世界经济。
=== Economics ===
=== Economics ===
= = 经济学 = = =
==== Political economy ====
==== Political economy ====
= = = = 政治经济 = = = =
Economics used to be called [[political economy]], as [[Adam Smith]] defined it in [[The Wealth of Nations]]:<ref>A. Smith, [[The Wealth of Nations]], 1776, Book IV, Of systems of political economy</ref>
Economics used to be called political economy, as Adam Smith defined it in The Wealth of Nations:A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book IV, Of systems of political economy
经济学过去被称为政治经济学，正如亚当 · 斯密在《国富论》中所定义的那样: A · 斯密，《国富论》 ，1776年，第四卷，《政治经济学体系》
{{blockquote|Political economy, considered as a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects; first, to provide a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people, or, more properly, to enable them to provide such a [[revenue]] or subsistence for themselves; and, secondly, to supply the state or [[commonwealth]] with a revenue sufficient for the public services. It proposes to enrich both the people and the [[sovereign]].}}
[[File:FMIB 33025 Aberdeen Fish Market.jpeg|thumb|250px|[[Aberdeen]] ([[Scotland]]) fish market.]]
The earliest works of political economy are usually attributed to the British scholars Adam Smith, [[Thomas Malthus]], and [[David Ricardo]], although they were preceded by the work of the French physiocrats, such as [[François Quesnay]] (1694–1774) and [[Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot]] (1727–1781). Smith describes how exchange of goods arose:<ref>A. Smith, [[The Wealth of Nations]], 1776, Book I, Chapter II, Of the principle which gives occasion to the division of labour</ref>
The earliest works of political economy are usually attributed to the British scholars Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo, although they were preceded by the work of the French physiocrats, such as François Quesnay (1694–1774) and Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot (1727–1781). Smith describes how exchange of goods arose:A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book I, Chapter II, Of the principle which gives occasion to the division of labour
最早的政治经济学著作通常归功于英国学者亚当 · 斯密、托马斯 · 马尔萨斯和大卫 · 李嘉图，尽管他们之前有法国重农学家的著作，如弗朗索瓦·魁奈(1694-1774)和安妮-罗伯特-雅克 · 图尔戈(1727-1781)。史密斯描述了货物交换是如何产生的: A。史密斯，《国富论》 ，1776年，第一卷，第二章，关于劳动分工的原则
{{blockquote|"As it is by [[treaty]], by [[barter]], and by [[purchase]], that we obtain from one another the greater part of those mutual good offices which we stand in need of, so it is this same trucking disposition which originally gives occasion to the [[division of labour]]. In a [[tribe]] of [[hunter]]s or [[shepherds]], a particular person makes bows and arrows, for example, with more readiness and dexterity than any other. He frequently exchanges them for [[cattle]] or for venison, with his companions; and he finds at last that he can, in this manner, get more cattle and venison, than if he himself went to the field to catch them. From a regard to his own [[interest]], therefore, the making of bows and arrows grows to be his chief business, and he becomes a sort of [[armourer]]. Another excels in making the frames and covers of their little huts or moveable houses. He is accustomed to be of use in this way to his neighbours, who reward him in the same manner with cattle and with venison, till at last he finds it his interest to dedicate himself entirely to this employment, and to become a sort of house-[[carpenter]]. In the same manner a third becomes a [[Metalsmith|smith]] or a [[brazier]]; a fourth, a tanner or dresser of hides or skins, the principal part of the [[clothing]] of savages. And thus the certainty of being able to exchange all that [[Economic surplus|surplus]] part of the [[produce]] of his own labour, which is over and above his own [[consumption (economics)|consumption]], for such parts of the produce of other men's labour as he may have occasion for, encourages every man to apply himself to a particular occupation, and to cultivate and bring to perfection whatever talent of genius he may possess for that particular species of business."}}
[[File:Peru - in the market (8444386334).jpg|thumb|250px|Fish market in [[Peru]].]]
And explains how exchanged mediated by money came to dominate the market:<ref>A. Smith, [[The Wealth of Nations]], 1776, Book I, Chapter V, Of the real and nominal price of commodities, or of their price in labour, and their price of money</ref>
And explains how exchanged mediated by money came to dominate the market:A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776, Book I, Chapter V, Of the real and nominal price of commodities, or of their price in labour, and their price of money
并解释了如何通过货币进行交换来支配市场: A · 史密斯，《国富论》 ，1776年，第一卷，第五章，商品的实际和名义价格，或者劳动力价格，以及货币价格
{{blockquote|"But when barter ceases, and money has become the common instrument of [[commerce]], every particular commodity is more frequently exchanged for money than for any other [[commodity]]. The [[butcher]] seldom carries his beef or his mutton to the baker or the brewer, in order to exchange them for bread or for beer; but he carries them to the market, where he exchanges them for money, and afterwards exchanges that money for [[bread]] and for [[beer]]. The [[quantity of money]] which he gets for them regulates, too, the quantity of bread and beer which he can afterwards purchase. It is more natural and obvious to him, therefore, to estimate their value by the quantity of money, the commodity for which he immediately exchanges them, than by that of bread and beer, the commodities for which he can exchange them only by the intervention of another commodity; and rather to say that his butcher's [[meat]] is worth three-pence or fourpence a-pound, than that it is worth three or four pounds of bread, or three or four quarts of small beer. Hence it comes to pass, that the exchangeable value of every commodity is more frequently estimated by the quantity of money, than by the quantity either of labour or of any other commodity which can be had in exchange for it."}}
==== Microeconomics ====
==== Microeconomics ====
= = = = 微观经济学 = = = =
{{main|Microeconomics}}
[[Microeconomics]] (from Greek prefix ''mikro''- meaning "small" and economics) is a branch of economics that studies the behavior of individuals and small impacting organizations in making decisions on the allocation of limited resources (see [[scarcity]]). On the other hand, macroeconomics (from the Greek prefix ''makro''- meaning "large" and economics) is a branch of economics dealing with the performance, structure, behavior and decision-making of an economy as a whole, rather than individual markets.
Microeconomics (from Greek prefix mikro- meaning "small" and economics) is a branch of economics that studies the behavior of individuals and small impacting organizations in making decisions on the allocation of limited resources (see scarcity). On the other hand, macroeconomics (from the Greek prefix makro- meaning "large" and economics) is a branch of economics dealing with the performance, structure, behavior and decision-making of an economy as a whole, rather than individual markets.
微观经济学(来自希腊语前缀 micro- 意思是“小”和经济学)是经济学的一个分支，研究个人和影响有限资源分配决策的小型组织的行为(见稀缺性)。另一方面，宏观经济学(来自希腊前缀 makro，意思是“大”和经济学)是经济学的一个分支，涉及整个经济的表现、结构、行为和决策，而不是单个市场。
=====Marginal revolution=====
=====Marginal revolution=====
= = = = 边际革命 = = = = = =
[[File:Afghan market teeming with vendors and shoppers 2-4-09.jpg|thumb|250px|An [[Afghanistan|Afghan]] market teeming with vendors and shoppers]]
The modern field of microeconomics arose as an effort of neoclassical economics school of thought to put economic ideas into mathematical mode. It began in the 19th century debates surrounding the works of [[Antoine Augustin Cournot]], [[William Stanley Jevons]], [[Carl Menger]] and [[Léon Walras]]—this period is usually denominated as the [[Marginalism|Marginal Revolution]]. A recurring theme of these debates was the contrast between the [[labor theory of value]] and the [[subjective theory of value]], the former being associated with classical economists such as [[Adam Smith]], [[David Ricardo]] and [[Karl Marx]] (Marx was a contemporary of the marginalists). A labour theory of value can be understood as a theory that argues that economic value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labour time while a subjective theory of value derives economic value from subjective preferences, usually by specifying a [[utility function]] in accordance with [[Utilitarianism|utilitarian philosophy]].
The modern field of microeconomics arose as an effort of neoclassical economics school of thought to put economic ideas into mathematical mode. It began in the 19th century debates surrounding the works of Antoine Augustin Cournot, William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger and Léon Walras—this period is usually denominated as the Marginal Revolution. A recurring theme of these debates was the contrast between the labor theory of value and the subjective theory of value, the former being associated with classical economists such as Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx (Marx was a contemporary of the marginalists). A labour theory of value can be understood as a theory that argues that economic value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labour time while a subjective theory of value derives economic value from subjective preferences, usually by specifying a utility function in accordance with utilitarian philosophy.
现代微观经济学领域的兴起，是新古典主义经济学学派将经济学思想转化为数学模式的一种努力。它始于19世纪围绕安托万·奥古斯丁·库尔诺、威廉·斯坦利·杰文斯、卡尔•门格尔(Carl Menger)和莱昂•瓦尔拉斯(leon walras)作品展开的辩论ーー这一时期通常被称为“边缘革命”。这些争论中反复出现的一个主题是劳动价值论与价值的主观理论之间的对比，前者与亚当•斯密、大卫•里卡多和卡尔•马克思(马克思与边缘主义者同时代)等古典经济学家有关。劳动价值论可以理解为一种理论，认为经济价值是由社会必要的劳动时间决定的，而价值的主观理论则从主观偏好中获得经济价值，通常是通过按照功利主义哲学规定一个效用函数。
In his ''[[Principles of Economics (Marshall book)|Principles of Economics]]'' (1890),<ref name="Marshall 1890">A. Marshall, ''Principles of Economics'', 1890</ref> [[Alfred Marshall]] presented a possible solution to this problem, using the [[supply and demand]] model. Marshall's idea of solving the controversy was that the [[demand curve]] could be derived by aggregating individual consumer demand curves, which were themselves based on the consumer problem of maximizing [[utility]]. The [[supply curve]] could be derived by superimposing a representative firm supply curves for the [[factors of production]] and then [[market equilibrium]] (economic equivalent of [[mechanical equilibrium]]) would be given by the intersection of demand and supply curves. He also introduced the notion of different market periods: mainly [[long run and short run]]. This set of ideas gave way to what economists call [[perfect competition]]—now found in the standard microeconomics texts, even though Marshall himself was highly skeptical it could be used as general model of all markets.
In his Principles of Economics (1890),A. Marshall, Principles of Economics, 1890 Alfred Marshall presented a possible solution to this problem, using the supply and demand model. Marshall's idea of solving the controversy was that the demand curve could be derived by aggregating individual consumer demand curves, which were themselves based on the consumer problem of maximizing utility. The supply curve could be derived by superimposing a representative firm supply curves for the factors of production and then market equilibrium (economic equivalent of mechanical equilibrium) would be given by the intersection of demand and supply curves. He also introduced the notion of different market periods: mainly long run and short run. This set of ideas gave way to what economists call perfect competition—now found in the standard microeconomics texts, even though Marshall himself was highly skeptical it could be used as general model of all markets.
在他的经济学原理(1890年) ，A。马歇尔，经济学原理，1890年阿尔弗雷德马歇尔提出了一个可能的解决方案，这个问题，使用供给和需求模型。马歇尔解决这一争议的想法是，需求曲线可以通过聚合个体消费者需求曲线得出，这些曲线本身就是基于消费者效用最大化的问题。供给曲线可以通过为生产要素叠加一个有代表性的企业供给曲线得到，然后通过需求和供给曲线的交点给出市场平衡(经济等价于力学平衡)。他还介绍了不同市场时期的概念: 主要是长期和短期。这套理论让位于经济学家所谓的完全竞争(perfect 爭) ，这种理论现在可以在标准的微观经济学教科书中找到，尽管马歇尔本人对这种理论能否被用作所有市场的一般模型表示高度怀疑。
=====Market structure=====
=====Market structure=====
= = = = = = 市场结构 = = = = =
[[File:Ul mercò dal lunedi.JPG|thumb|250px|Monday market in [[Portovenere]], [[Italy]]]]
[[File:Wetherby Market (13th May 2010) 002.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Wetherby]] ([[England]]) town's market]]
[[File:MercadodeGomez.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Gómez Palacio, Durango|Gómez Palacio]] city's municipal market]]
Opposed to the model of perfect competition, some models of [[imperfect competition]] were proposed:
* The [[monopoly]] model, already considered by marginalist economists, describes a profit maximizing capitalist facing a market [[demand curve]] with no competitors, who may practice [[price discrimination]].
* Oligopoly is a [[market form]] in which a market or industry is dominated by a small number of sellers. The oldest model was the spring water [[duopoly]] of [[Antoine Augustin Cournot|Cournot]] (1838) <ref>A. Cournot, Researches into the mathematical principles of the theory of wealth, 1838 https://archive.org/details/researchesintom00fishgoog</ref> in which equilibrium is determined by the duopolists [[Best response|reactions functions]]. It was criticized by [[Harold Hotelling]] for its instability, by [[Joseph Bertrand]] for lacking equilibrium for prices as independent variables.
* [[Monopolistic competition]] is a type of imperfect competition such that many producers sell products that are differentiated from one another (e.g., by branding or quality) and hence are not perfect substitutes. In monopolistic competition, a firm takes the prices charged by its rivals as given and ignores the impact of its own prices on the prices of other firms. The "founding father" of the theory of monopolistic competition is [[Edward Hastings Chamberlin]], who wrote a pioneering book on the subject, ''Theory of Monopolistic Competition'' (1933). [[Joan Robinson]] published a book called ''The Economics of Imperfect Competition'' with a comparable theme of distinguishing perfect from imperfect competition. Chamberlin defined monopolistic competition as "challenge to traditional viewpoint of economics that competition and monopoly are alternatives and that individual prices are to be explained in terms of one or the other". He continues: "By contrast it is held that most economic situations are composite of both competition and monopoly, and that, wherever this is the case, a false view is given by neglecting either one of the two forces and regarding the situation as made up entirely of the other".<ref>{{cite journal |first=E.H. |last=Chamberlin |title=Monopolistic or Imperfect Competition? |journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=51 |issue=4 |pages=557–580 |year=1937 |doi=10.2307/1881679 |jstor=1881679 }}</ref> Hotelling built a model of market located over a line with two sellers in each extreme of the line, in this case maximizing profit for both sellers leads to a stable equilibrium. From this model also follows that if a seller is to choose the location of his store so as to maximize his profit, he will place his store the closest to his competitor as "the sharper competition with his rival is offset by the greater number of buyers he has an advantage".<ref>{{cite journal |last=Hotteling |first=H. |title=Stability in Competition |journal=[[The Economic Journal]] |volume=39 |issue=153 |year=1929 |pages=41–57 |jstor=2224214 |doi=10.2307/2224214 }}</ref> He also argues that clustering of stores is wasteful from the point of view of transportation costs and that public interest would dictate more spatial dispersion.
* [[William Baumol]] provided in his 1977 paper<ref>{{cite journal |last=Baumol |first=William J. |year=1977 |title=On the Proper Cost Tests for Natural Monopoly in a Multiproduct Industry |journal=[[American Economic Review]] |volume=67 |issue=5 |pages=809–822 |jstor=1828065 }}</ref> the current formal definition of a [[natural monopoly]] where “an industry in which multifirm production is more costly than production by a monopoly”.
* Baumol defined a [[contestable market]] in his 1982 paper<ref>Baumol W., Contestable Markets: An Uprising in the Theory of Industry Structure, American Economic Review vol 72 pp. 1-15 1982 http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/research/readings/baumol-contestable.pdf</ref> as a market where "entry is absolutely free and exit absolutely costless", freedom of entry in [[George Stigler|Stigler]] sense: the incumbent has no cost discrimination against entrants. He states that a contestable market will never have an economic profit greater than zero when in equilibrium and the equilibrium will also be [[Efficiency|efficient]]. According to Baumol, this equilibrium emerges [[endogenous variable|endogenously]] due to the nature of contestable markets; that is, the only industry structure that survives in the long run is the one which minimizes total costs. This is in contrast to the older theory of industry structure since not only is industry structure not [[exogenous variable|exogenously]] given, but equilibrium is reached without an ad hoc hypothesis on the behavior of firms, say using reaction functions in a duopoly. He concludes the paper commenting that regulators that seek to impede entry and/or exit of firms would do better to not interfere if the market in question resembles a contestable market.
Opposed to the model of perfect competition, some models of imperfect competition were proposed:
* The monopoly model, already considered by marginalist economists, describes a profit maximizing capitalist facing a market demand curve with no competitors, who may practice price discrimination.
* Oligopoly is a market form in which a market or industry is dominated by a small number of sellers. The oldest model was the spring water duopoly of Cournot (1838) A. Cournot, Researches into the mathematical principles of the theory of wealth, 1838 https://archive.org/details/researchesintom00fishgoog in which equilibrium is determined by the duopolists reactions functions. It was criticized by Harold Hotelling for its instability, by Joseph Bertrand for lacking equilibrium for prices as independent variables.
* Monopolistic competition is a type of imperfect competition such that many producers sell products that are differentiated from one another (e.g., by branding or quality) and hence are not perfect substitutes. In monopolistic competition, a firm takes the prices charged by its rivals as given and ignores the impact of its own prices on the prices of other firms. The "founding father" of the theory of monopolistic competition is Edward Hastings Chamberlin, who wrote a pioneering book on the subject, Theory of Monopolistic Competition (1933). Joan Robinson published a book called The Economics of Imperfect Competition with a comparable theme of distinguishing perfect from imperfect competition. Chamberlin defined monopolistic competition as "challenge to traditional viewpoint of economics that competition and monopoly are alternatives and that individual prices are to be explained in terms of one or the other". He continues: "By contrast it is held that most economic situations are composite of both competition and monopoly, and that, wherever this is the case, a false view is given by neglecting either one of the two forces and regarding the situation as made up entirely of the other". Hotelling built a model of market located over a line with two sellers in each extreme of the line, in this case maximizing profit for both sellers leads to a stable equilibrium. From this model also follows that if a seller is to choose the location of his store so as to maximize his profit, he will place his store the closest to his competitor as "the sharper competition with his rival is offset by the greater number of buyers he has an advantage". He also argues that clustering of stores is wasteful from the point of view of transportation costs and that public interest would dictate more spatial dispersion.
* William Baumol provided in his 1977 paper the current formal definition of a natural monopoly where “an industry in which multifirm production is more costly than production by a monopoly”.
* Baumol defined a contestable market in his 1982 paperBaumol W., Contestable Markets: An Uprising in the Theory of Industry Structure, American Economic Review vol 72 pp. 1-15 1982 http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/research/readings/baumol-contestable.pdf as a market where "entry is absolutely free and exit absolutely costless", freedom of entry in Stigler sense: the incumbent has no cost discrimination against entrants. He states that a contestable market will never have an economic profit greater than zero when in equilibrium and the equilibrium will also be efficient. According to Baumol, this equilibrium emerges endogenously due to the nature of contestable markets; that is, the only industry structure that survives in the long run is the one which minimizes total costs. This is in contrast to the older theory of industry structure since not only is industry structure not exogenously given, but equilibrium is reached without an ad hoc hypothesis on the behavior of firms, say using reaction functions in a duopoly. He concludes the paper commenting that regulators that seek to impede entry and/or exit of firms would do better to not interfere if the market in question resembles a contestable market.
与完全竞争模型相反，一些不完全竞争模型被提出:
* 垄断模型，已经被边缘化的经济学家考虑，描述了一个利润最大化的资本家面对没有竞争者的市场需求曲线，他们可能实行价格歧视。
* 寡头垄断是一种市场形式，其中一个市场或行业由少数卖方主导。最古老的模型是古诺的泉水双寡头垄断(1838年)古诺，财富理论的数学原理研究，1838年的 https://archive.org/details/researchesintom00fishgoog 中，均衡是由双寡头反应函数决定的。哈罗德·霍特林批评它不稳定，约瑟夫•伯特兰(Joseph Bertrand)批评它缺乏价格作为独立变量的均衡。
* 垄断性竞争是一种不完全竞争，许多生产商销售的产品彼此不同(例如，品牌或质量) ，因此不是完美的替代品。在垄断性竞争中，一家公司将竞争对手收取的价格视为已知，而忽略了自身价格对其他公司价格的影响。垄断性竞争理论的“创始人”是爱德华·钱柏林，他写了一本关于垄断性竞争理论的开创性著作(1933年)。琼 · 罗宾逊出版了一本名为《不完全竞争的经济学》的书，书中有一个类似的主题，即区分完美与不完全竞争。张伯伦将垄断性竞争定义为“对传统经济学观点的挑战，这种观点认为，竞争和垄断是另一种选择，个人价格应该用其中一种来解释”。他继续说: “相比之下，人们认为大多数经济形势是竞争和垄断的复合体，而且，无论在哪种情况下，忽视这两种力量中的任何一种，并认为形势完全由另一种力量组成，都是错误的观点。”。霍特林建立了一个位于一条线上的市场模型，在这条线的每个极端都有两个卖家，在这种情况下，两个卖家的利润最大化导致了一个稳定的均衡。从这个模型还可以看出，如果一个卖家为了获得最大的利润而选择他的店铺的位置，他将把他的店铺放在离他的竞争对手最近的地方，因为“与他的竞争对手的更激烈的竞争被他拥有优势的更多的买家所抵消”。他还认为，从运输成本的角度来看，商店集中是一种浪费，公共利益将决定更多的空间分散。
* 威廉•鲍莫尔(William Baumol)在其1977年的论文中提供了目前对自然垄断的正式定义，即“多公司生产比垄断生产成本更高的行业”。
* 鲍莫尔在他1982年的论文《可竞争的市场: 产业结构理论的起义》中定义了一个可竞争市场，《美国经济评论》72页。1-151982年的 http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/research/readings/baumol-contestable.pdf 是“进入是绝对自由的，退出是绝对无成本的”，在斯蒂格勒意义上的进入自由: 现任者对进入者没有成本歧视。他指出，在均衡状态下，可竞争市场的经济利润永远不会大于零，而均衡状态也是有效的。鲍莫尔认为，这种均衡是可竞争市场的本质造成的，也就是说，从长远来看，唯一生存下来的产业结构是总成本最小化的产业结构。这与旧的产业结构理论形成了鲜明对比，因为产业结构不仅不是外生的，而且在企业行为上也没有特例假设，比如在双寡头垄断中使用反应函数，就可以达到均衡。他在论文中总结道，如果有关市场类似于可竞争市场，那么试图阻碍企业进入和/或退出的监管机构最好不要干预。
=====Market failure=====
=====Market failure=====
= = = = = 市场失灵 = = = = =
[[File:Morel's used cars - geograph.org.uk - 437167.jpg|250px|thumb|[[Used car]]s market: due to presence of fundamental asymmetrical information between seller and buyer the market equilibrium is not efficient—in the language of economists it is a [[market failure]]]]
Around the 1970s the study of [[market failure]]s came into focus with the study of [[information asymmetry]]. In particular, three authors emerged from this period: Akerlof, Spence and Stiglitz. [[Akerlof]] considered the problem of bad quality cars driving good quality cars out of the market in his classic "[[The Market for Lemons]]" (1970) because of the presence of asymmetrical information between buyers and sellers.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Akerlof |first=George A. |year=1970 |title=The Market for 'Lemons': Quality Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism |journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=84 |issue=3 |pages=488–500 |doi=10.2307/1879431 |jstor=1879431 }}</ref> [[Michael Spence]] explained that signaling was fundamental in the labour market since employers can't know beforehand which candidate is the most productive, a college degree becomes a signaling device that a firm uses to select new personnel.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Spence |first=A. M. |year=1973 |title=Job Market Signaling |journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=87 |issue=3 |pages=355–374 |jstor=1882010 | doi = 10.2307/1882010 }}</ref> [[Stiglitz]] provided some general conditions under which market equilibrium is not [[Pareto efficiency|efficient]]: presence of [[externalities]], imperfect information and [[incomplete market]]s.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Greenwald |first1=Bruce |first2=Joseph E. |last2=Stiglitz |title= Externalities in Economies with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets|journal=[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]] |volume=101 |issue=2 |year=1986 |pages=229–264 |doi=10.2307/1891114 |jstor=1891114 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
Around the 1970s the study of market failures came into focus with the study of information asymmetry. In particular, three authors emerged from this period: Akerlof, Spence and Stiglitz. Akerlof considered the problem of bad quality cars driving good quality cars out of the market in his classic "The Market for Lemons" (1970) because of the presence of asymmetrical information between buyers and sellers. Michael Spence explained that signaling was fundamental in the labour market since employers can't know beforehand which candidate is the most productive, a college degree becomes a signaling device that a firm uses to select new personnel. Stiglitz provided some general conditions under which market equilibrium is not efficient: presence of externalities, imperfect information and incomplete markets.
大约在20世纪70年代，对市场失灵的研究随着对信息不对称的研究而成为焦点。特别值得一提的是，这一时期涌现出三位作家: 阿克洛夫、斯宾塞和斯蒂格利茨。阿克洛夫在他的经典作品《柠檬市场》(1970)中考虑了劣质汽车将优质汽车挤出市场的问题，因为买家和卖家之间存在信息不对称。Michael Spence 解释说，信号在劳动力市场中是最基本的，因为雇主不能事先知道哪个候选人的工作效率最高，所以大学学位就成了公司用来选择新员工的信号装置。斯蒂格利茨提供了市场均衡非有效的一般条件: 存在外部性、不完全信息和不完全市场。
=====State interference=====
=====State interference=====
= = = = = = 国家干涉 = = = = =
[[C. B. Macpherson]] identifies an underlying model of the market underlying Anglo-American liberal democratic political economy and philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: persons are cast as self-interested individuals, who enter into contractual relations with other such individuals, concerning the exchange of goods or personal capacities cast as commodities, with the motive of maximizing [[pecuniary]] interest. The state and its governance systems are cast as outside of this framework.<ref>MacPherson, C.B. (1962) ''The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: From Hobbes to Locke''. Oxford Clarendon Press. p.3</ref> This model came to dominant economic thinking in the later nineteenth century, as so called liberal economists such as [[David Ricardo|Ricardo]], [[James Mill|Mill]], [[William Stanley Jevons|Jevons]], [[Léon Walras|Walras]] and later neo-classical economics shifted from reference to geographically located marketplaces to an abstract "market".<ref>Swedberg, 1994, p. 258</ref> This tradition is continued in contemporary [[neoliberalism]] epitomised by the [[Mont Pelerin Society]] which gathered [[Frederick Hayek]], [[Ludwig von Mises]], [[Milton Friedman]] and [[Karl Popper]], where the market is held up as optimal for wealth creation and human freedom and the states' role imagined as minimal, reduced to that of upholding and keeping stable property rights, contract and money supply. According to [[David Harvey]], this allowed for boilerplate economic and institutional restructuring under [[structural adjustment]] and post-Communist reconstruction.<ref>Harvey, David (2005) ''A Short History of Neoliberalism'' Oxford University Press.</ref> Similar formalism occurs in a wide variety of [[social democratic]] and [[Marxist]] discourses that situate political action as antagonistic to the market. [[György Lukács]], a founder of [[Western Marxism]] insists that market relations necessarily lead to undue exploitation of labour and so need to be opposed ''in toto''.<ref>Lukács, György. (1971) ''History and Class Consciousness''. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. Merlin Press. London. p. 87</ref>
C. B. Macpherson identifies an underlying model of the market underlying Anglo-American liberal democratic political economy and philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: persons are cast as self-interested individuals, who enter into contractual relations with other such individuals, concerning the exchange of goods or personal capacities cast as commodities, with the motive of maximizing pecuniary interest. The state and its governance systems are cast as outside of this framework.MacPherson, C.B. (1962) The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: From Hobbes to Locke. Oxford Clarendon Press. p.3 This model came to dominant economic thinking in the later nineteenth century, as so called liberal economists such as Ricardo, Mill, Jevons, Walras and later neo-classical economics shifted from reference to geographically located marketplaces to an abstract "market".Swedberg, 1994, p. 258 This tradition is continued in contemporary neoliberalism epitomised by the Mont Pelerin Society which gathered Frederick Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Milton Friedman and Karl Popper, where the market is held up as optimal for wealth creation and human freedom and the states' role imagined as minimal, reduced to that of upholding and keeping stable property rights, contract and money supply. According to David Harvey, this allowed for boilerplate economic and institutional restructuring under structural adjustment and post-Communist reconstruction.Harvey, David (2005) A Short History of Neoliberalism Oxford University Press. Similar formalism occurs in a wide variety of social democratic and Marxist discourses that situate political action as antagonistic to the market. György Lukács, a founder of Western Marxism insists that market relations necessarily lead to undue exploitation of labour and so need to be opposed in toto.Lukács, György. (1971) History and Class Consciousness. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. Merlin Press. London. p. 87
C. B. Macpherson 指出了十七和十八世纪英美自由民主政治经济学和哲学的市场基本模式: 人被塑造成自私自利的个人，与其他这类个人订立契约关系，交换货物或个人能力被塑造成商品，其动机是使金钱利益最大化。国家及其治理体系被置于这个框架之外。(1962)所有者个人主义的政治理论: 从霍布斯到洛克。牛津克拉伦登出版社。这种模式在19世纪后期占据了经济思想的主导地位，所谓的自由主义经济学家，如李嘉图、密尔、杰文斯、瓦尔拉斯，以及后来的新古典主义经济学，从提及地理位置的市场转向抽象的“市场”。斯韦德伯格，1994，第258页这一传统在当代新自由主义中得以延续，当代新自由主义的朝圣山学社集中体现在弗雷德里克•哈耶克(Frederick Hayek)、路德维希·冯·米塞斯、米尔顿•弗里德曼(Milton Friedman)和卡尔•波普尔(Karl Popper)等人的共同努力下，市场被认为是财富创造和人类自由的最佳选择，而国家的角色被认为是最小的，沦落为维护和保持稳定的产权、合同和货币供应。大卫•哈维(David Harvey)认为，这就允许在结构调整和后共产主义重建时期进行模式化的经济和体制重组。哈维，大卫(2005)新自由主义简史牛津大学出版社。类似的形式主义出现在各种各样的社会民主主义和马克思主义论述中，这些论述将政治行动定位为与市场对立的。西方马克思主义的创始人 György Lukács 坚持认为，市场关系必然导致劳动力的过度剥削，因此需要彻底反对。卢卡奇，吉尔吉。历史与阶级意识(1971)。翻译。Rodney Livingstone.梅林出版社。伦敦。P. 87
A central theme of empirical analyses is the variation and proliferation of types of markets since the rise of capitalism and global scale economies. The [[Regulation school]] stresses the ways in which developed capitalist countries have implemented varying degrees and types of environmental, economic and social regulation, taxation and public spending, fiscal policy and government provisioning of goods, all of which have transformed markets in uneven and geographical varied ways and created a variety of mixed economies.
A central theme of empirical analyses is the variation and proliferation of types of markets since the rise of capitalism and global scale economies. The Regulation school stresses the ways in which developed capitalist countries have implemented varying degrees and types of environmental, economic and social regulation, taxation and public spending, fiscal policy and government provisioning of goods, all of which have transformed markets in uneven and geographical varied ways and created a variety of mixed economies.
实证分析的一个中心主题是，自资本主义和全球规模经济兴起以来，市场类型的变化和扩散。管理学派强调发达资本主义国家实施不同程度和类型的环境、经济和社会管理、税收和公共支出、财政政策和政府提供商品的方式，所有这些都以不平衡和地域不同的方式改变了市场，创造了各种混合经济。
====Economic coordination====
====Economic coordination====
= = = = 经济协调 = = = =
Drawing on concepts of institutional variance and [[path dependence]], varieties of capitalism theorists (such as Peter Hall and [[David Soskice]]) identify two dominant modes of economic ordering in the developed capitalist countries:
Drawing on concepts of institutional variance and path dependence, varieties of capitalism theorists (such as Peter Hall and David Soskice) identify two dominant modes of economic ordering in the developed capitalist countries:
利用制度变迁和路径依赖的概念，各种资本主义理论家(如彼得•霍尔(Peter Hall)和大卫•索斯基斯(David Soskice))确定了发达资本主义国家的两种主要经济秩序模式:
*Coordinated market economies (such as [[Germany]] and [[Japan]]) based on relational or incomplete contracting, [[network monitoring]] based on the exchange of [[private information]] inside networks, and more reliance on collaborative, as opposed to competitive, relationships to build the competencies of the firm
*Anglo-American liberal market economies: firms coordinate their activities primarily via hierarchies and competitive market arrangements.
*Coordinated market economies (such as Germany and Japan) based on relational or incomplete contracting, network monitoring based on the exchange of private information inside networks, and more reliance on collaborative, as opposed to competitive, relationships to build the competencies of the firm
*Anglo-American liberal market economies: firms coordinate their activities primarily via hierarchies and competitive market arrangements.
* 协调的市场经济(如德国和日本)基于关系或不完全的合同，基于网络内部私人信息交换的网络监控，更多地依靠合作而不是竞争关系来建立企业的竞争力
* 英美自由市场经济: 企业主要通过等级制度和竞争性市场安排来协调其活动。
[[File:Coal power plant Datteln 2 Crop1.png|thumb|250px|A coal power plant in [[Datteln]]—[[emissions trading]] or [[cap and trade]] is a market-based approach used to control pollution by providing economic incentives for achieving reductions in the emissions of pollutants]]
However, such approaches imply that the Anglo-American liberal market economies in fact operate in a matter close to the abstract notion of "the market". While Anglo-American countries have seen increasing introduction of neo-liberal forms of economic ordering, this has not led to simple convergence, but rather a variety of hybrid institutional orderings.<ref>Peck, supra, p. 154)</ref> Rather, a variety of new markets have emerged, such as for [[carbon trading]] or rights to pollute. In some cases, such as emerging markets for water in [[England]] and [[Wales]], different forms of neoliberalism have been tried: moving from the state hydraulic model associated with concepts of universal provision and [[public service]] to [[market environmentalism]] associated with pricing of environmental externalities to reduce [[environmental degradation]] and efficient allocation of water resources. In this case liberalization has multiple meanings:
*[[Privatization]]: change of ownership from state monopoly to private hands
*[[Commercialization]]: pursuing efficiency, cost-benefit analysis and profit maximization by introducing prices in comparison with the bill system proportional to property value
*[[Commodification]]: standardization, pricing to address water scarcity according to the [[Dublin principles]] and the [[Hague]] declaration
However, such approaches imply that the Anglo-American liberal market economies in fact operate in a matter close to the abstract notion of "the market". While Anglo-American countries have seen increasing introduction of neo-liberal forms of economic ordering, this has not led to simple convergence, but rather a variety of hybrid institutional orderings.Peck, supra, p. 154) Rather, a variety of new markets have emerged, such as for carbon trading or rights to pollute. In some cases, such as emerging markets for water in England and Wales, different forms of neoliberalism have been tried: moving from the state hydraulic model associated with concepts of universal provision and public service to market environmentalism associated with pricing of environmental externalities to reduce environmental degradation and efficient allocation of water resources. In this case liberalization has multiple meanings:
*Privatization: change of ownership from state monopoly to private hands
*Commercialization: pursuing efficiency, cost-benefit analysis and profit maximization by introducing prices in comparison with the bill system proportional to property value
*Commodification: standardization, pricing to address water scarcity according to the Dublin principles and the Hague declaration
然而，这种做法意味着，英美自由市场经济体实际上是在一个类似于“市场”这一抽象概念的环境中运作的。尽管英美国家越来越多地引入了新自由主义形式的经济秩序，但这并没有导致简单的趋同，而是导致了各种混合的制度秩序。相反，各种各样的新市场已经出现，比如碳交易或者污染权利。在某些情况下，例如英格兰和威尔士的新兴水市场，尝试了不同形式的新自由主义: 从与普遍提供和公共服务概念相关的国家水力模式，转向与环境外部性定价相关的市场环境保护主义，以减少生物可分解添加物和有效分配水资源。在这种情况下，自由化有多重含义:
* 私有化: 所有权从国家垄断转移到私人手中
* 商业化: 通过引入与财产价值成比例的价格体系来追求效率、成本-收益分析和利润最大化。
* 商业化: 根据都柏林原则和海牙宣言，通过标准化、定价来解决水资源短缺问题
In a period of fiscal and ideological crisis, [[state failure]] is seen as the catalyst for liberalization, however the failure in assuring [[water quality]] can bee seen as a driver for economic and ecological reregulation (in this case coming from the [[European Union]]). More broadly the idea of a water market failure can seen as the explanation for state intervention, generating a natural monopoly of hydraulic infrastructure and the regulation of externalities such as [[water pollution]]. The situation however is not that simple, as the regulator may have the duty of introducing competition, which can be:
*Direct competition or product competition
*Surrogate competition
*Competition for corporate control by mergers and takeovers
*Procurement competition
*Frachising
In a period of fiscal and ideological crisis, state failure is seen as the catalyst for liberalization, however the failure in assuring water quality can bee seen as a driver for economic and ecological reregulation (in this case coming from the European Union). More broadly the idea of a water market failure can seen as the explanation for state intervention, generating a natural monopoly of hydraulic infrastructure and the regulation of externalities such as water pollution. The situation however is not that simple, as the regulator may have the duty of introducing competition, which can be:
*Direct competition or product competition
*Surrogate competition
*Competition for corporate control by mergers and takeovers
*Procurement competition
*Frachising
在一个财政和意识形态危机的时期，国家的失败被视为自由化的催化剂，然而，在确保水质方面的失败可以被视为经济和生态重新调整的驱动力(在这种情况下来自欧盟)。从更广泛的意义上讲，水市场失灵可以被视为国家干预的解释，从而形成了对水利基础设施的自然垄断，并对水污染等外部因素进行了监管。然而，情况并非如此简单，因为监管机构可能有责任引入竞争，这些竞争可以是:
* 直接竞争或产品竞争
* 代理竞争
* 合并及收购争取公司控制权
* 采购竞争
* 特许经营
Introduction of [[Water metering|metering]] can result in both restriction and increase of consumption with [[Marginal cost#Long run marginal cost|LRMC]] pricing being the regulator ([[Ofwat]]) preferred methodology.<ref>Bakker, Karen (2005) "[http://sgpwe.izt.uam.mx/files/users/uami/citla/Lecturas_Temas_selecto_IV_AGUA/Bakker_Karen_2007_Neoliberalising_Market_of_water_supply.pdf Neoliberalizing Nature?: Market Environmentalism in water supply in England and Wales]" ''Annals of the Association of American Geographers'' 95 (3), 542–565</ref>
Introduction of metering can result in both restriction and increase of consumption with LRMC pricing being the regulator (Ofwat) preferred methodology.Bakker, Karen (2005) "Neoliberalizing Nature?: Market Environmentalism in water supply in England and Wales" Annals of the Association of American Geographers 95 (3), 542–565
引入计量可以导致限制和增加消费，LRMC 定价是监管机构(Ofwat)首选的方法。巴克，凯伦(2005)“新自由主义的自然？: 英格兰和威尔士供水市场环境保护主义”美国地理学家协会年鉴95(3) ，542-565
=== Marketing ===
{{main|Marketing}}
====Market distribution====
====Market distribution====
= = = = 市场分布 = = = =
Paul Dulaney Converse and Fred M. Jones wrote:<ref>Converse, Paul Dulaney and Jones, Fred M. (1948). Introduction to Marketing - Principles of Wholesale and Retail Distribution. Prentice-Hall</ref>
Paul Dulaney Converse and Fred M. Jones wrote:Converse, Paul Dulaney and Jones, Fred M. (1948). Introduction to Marketing - Principles of Wholesale and Retail Distribution. Prentice-Hall
保罗 · 杜兰尼 · 匡威和弗雷德 · 琼斯写道: 匡威，保罗 · 杜兰尼和琼斯，弗雷德 · M (1948)。市场营销导论-批发与零售配送原则。Prentice-Hall
{{blockquote|Market distribution includes those activities which create place, time, and possession utilities. To the economist, market distribution is therefore part of production because it deals with the creation of utilities, and “distribution” refers to the distribution of wealth among the members of society. The businessman, however, thinks of distribution as selling his goods and getting them into the hands of the consumer. To the businessman, “distribution” means marketing—selling and transportation.}}
The methods of studying marketing are:
*Functional approach: services or functions performed, what goods they are performed upon, what middlemen perform them
*Commodity approach: what goods are marketed, what function are performed on them, what middlemen perform these functions
*Institutional approach: what institutions, or middlemen, are engaged in distribution, what functions they perform, what good they handle
The methods of studying marketing are:
*Functional approach: services or functions performed, what goods they are performed upon, what middlemen perform them
*Commodity approach: what goods are marketed, what function are performed on them, what middlemen perform these functions
*Institutional approach: what institutions, or middlemen, are engaged in distribution, what functions they perform, what good they handle
研究市场营销的方法有:
* 功能性方法: 服务或功能的执行，它们是在什么商品上执行的，什么中间商执行它们
* 商品性方法: 什么商品在市场上销售，什么功能在它们上面执行，什么中间商执行这些功能
* 制度性方法: 什么机构，或中间商，从事分销，它们执行什么功能，它们处理什么好
[[File:PerceptualMap1.png|thumb|250px|[[Perceptual mapping]] is a diagrammatic technique used by [[marketers]] that attempts to visually display the perceptions of [[customer]]s or potential customers and the position of a [[Product (business)|product]], [[product line]], [[brand]], or [[company]] is typically displayed relative to their competition]]
Businesses market their products/services to a specific [[Market segmentation|segments]] of [[consumers]]: the defining factors of the markets are determined by demographics, interests and age/gender. A small market is a [[niche market]], while a big market is a [[mass market]]. A form of expansion is to enter a new market and sell/advertise to a different set of users.
Businesses market their products/services to a specific segments of consumers: the defining factors of the markets are determined by demographics, interests and age/gender. A small market is a niche market, while a big market is a mass market. A form of expansion is to enter a new market and sell/advertise to a different set of users.
企业向特定的消费者群体推销其产品/服务: 市场的决定性因素由人口统计学、兴趣和年龄/性别决定。小市场是利基市场，大市场是大众市场。扩张的一种形式是进入一个新的市场并向不同的用户群销售/广告。
====Marketing management====
====Marketing management====
= = = = 市场营销管理 = = =
[[File:This is the market, WPA poster, 1937.jpg|right|thumb|250px|[[Works Project Administration]] poster (1937)]]
The [[marketing management]] school, evolved in the late 1950s and early 1960s, is fundamentally linked with the [[marketing mix]]<ref>Michael J Baker, Michael John Baker, Michael Saren, Marketing Theory: A Student Text, SAGE 2010</ref> framework, a business tool used in marketing and by marketers. In his paper "The Concept of the Marketing Mix", [[Neil H. Borden]] reconstructed the history of the term "marketing mix".<ref>
{{cite web|last=Borden|first=Neil|title=The Concept of the Marketing Mix|url=https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:s794cDYCYxAJ:www.commerce.uct.ac.za/managementstudies/Courses/bus2010s/2007/Nicole%2520Frey/Assignments/Borden,%25201984_The%2520concept%2520of%2520marketing.pdf+&hl=en&gl=in&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESjQD7owLY5RwuEOVer7qeDaZjKIiemGtEMQCTB0amHNizGcuaFQX6t4JMbz2SmtCNc6V3LLp3mAnnZusRcaMpFy-llqtMBHVfMLI26cEVTkx5qFvPIde_At0dNXaIy4Ar0BM6tN&sig=AHIEtbRsrEOiOtAC_eEcBJS0iSRJNlR6Xw|publisher=Suman Thapa|access-date=24 April 2013}}
</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Borden|first1=Neil H.|year=1965|chapter=The Concept of the Marketing Mix|editor1-last=Schwartz|editor1-first=George|title=Science in marketing|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8YJPAAAAMAAJ|series=Wiley marketing series|publisher=Wiley|publication-date=1965|pages=286ff |isbn=9780471766001|access-date=November 4, 2013}}</ref> He started teaching the term after an associate, James Culliton, described the role of the [[marketing manager]] in 1948 as a "mixer of ingredients"; one who sometimes follows recipes prepared by others, sometimes prepares his own recipe as he goes along, sometimes adapts a recipe from immediately available ingredients, and at other times invents new ingredients no one else has tried. The functions of total marketing include [[advertising]], [[personal selling]], [[packaging]], [[pricing]], [[marketing channel|channeling]] and [[warehousing]]. Borden also identified the market forces affecting marketing mix:
The marketing management school, evolved in the late 1950s and early 1960s, is fundamentally linked with the marketing mixMichael J Baker, Michael John Baker, Michael Saren, Marketing Theory: A Student Text, SAGE 2010 framework, a business tool used in marketing and by marketers. In his paper "The Concept of the Marketing Mix", Neil H. Borden reconstructed the history of the term "marketing mix".
He started teaching the term after an associate, James Culliton, described the role of the marketing manager in 1948 as a "mixer of ingredients"; one who sometimes follows recipes prepared by others, sometimes prepares his own recipe as he goes along, sometimes adapts a recipe from immediately available ingredients, and at other times invents new ingredients no one else has tried. The functions of total marketing include advertising, personal selling, packaging, pricing, channeling and warehousing. Borden also identified the market forces affecting marketing mix:
市场营销管理学派，发展于20世纪50年代末和60年代初，与市场营销混合体迈克尔 · J · 贝克，迈克尔 · 约翰 · 贝克，迈克尔 · 萨伦，市场营销理论: 学生文本，SAGE 2010框架，一个用于市场营销和营销人员的商业工具，有着根本的联系。在《市场营销组合的概念》一文中，波登重构了“市场营销组合”这一术语的历史。1948年，他的一位助理詹姆斯 · 卡利顿(James Culliton)将营销经理的角色描述为“配料的混合者”，他开始教授这个术语。这位经理有时候会按照别人准备的食谱做菜，有时候会边做边准备自己的食谱，有时候会根据现成的食材改编食谱，有时候会发明别人没有尝试过的新食材。整体营销的功能包括广告、个人销售、包装、定价、渠道和仓储。Borden 还指出了影响营销组合的市场力量:
*Consumer buying behavior
*Trade's behavior ([[wholesale]] and [[retailing]])
*Competitors position and behavior: industry structure, product choice, [[oversupply]], [[pricing]] and [[innovation]]
*Governmental behavior: [[regulation]]s
*Consumer buying behavior
*Trade's behavior (wholesale and retailing)
*Competitors position and behavior: industry structure, product choice, oversupply, pricing and innovation
*Governmental behavior: regulations
* 消费者购买行为
* 贸易行为(批发和零售)
* 竞争者的地位和行为: 行业结构、产品选择、供应过剩、定价和创新
* 政府行为: 规章制度
Borden concludes saying that marketing is more an art than a science. The marketer [[E. Jerome McCarthy]] proposed a four Ps classification ([[Product (business)|product]], [[price]], [[Promotion (marketing)|promotion]], [[Distribution (business)|place]]) in 1960, which has since been used by marketers throughout the world.<ref>Needham, Dave (1996). Business for Higher Awards. Oxford, England: Heinemann.</ref> Koichi Shimizu proposed a 7Cs Compass Model ([[corporation]], [[commodity]], [[cost]], [[communication]], [[Marketing channel|channel]], [[consumer]], [[Circumstances (rhetoric)|circumstances]]) to provide a more complete picture of the nature of marketing in 1981. Robert F. Lauterborn wrote about the Four P's in 1990<ref>Lauterborn, B. (1990). New Marketing Litany: Four Ps Passé: C-Words Take Over. Advertising Age, 61(41), 26.</ref>
Borden concludes saying that marketing is more an art than a science. The marketer E. Jerome McCarthy proposed a four Ps classification (product, price, promotion, place) in 1960, which has since been used by marketers throughout the world.Needham, Dave (1996). Business for Higher Awards. Oxford, England: Heinemann. Koichi Shimizu proposed a 7Cs Compass Model (corporation, commodity, cost, communication, channel, consumer, circumstances) to provide a more complete picture of the nature of marketing in 1981. Robert F. Lauterborn wrote about the Four P's in 1990Lauterborn, B. (1990). New Marketing Litany: Four Ps Passé: C-Words Take Over. Advertising Age, 61(41), 26.
Borden 总结说，营销与其说是一门科学，不如说是一门艺术。市场营销人员 E · 杰罗姆 · 麦卡锡(E. Jerome McCarthy)在1960年提出了四个 P 的分类(产品、价格、促销、地点) ，这个分类已经被全世界的市场营销人员使用。尼德姆，戴夫(1996)。高级商业奖励计划。英国牛津: 海涅曼。清水光一在1981年提出了一个7Cs 指南针模型(公司、商品、成本、通信、渠道、消费者、环境) ，以提供一个更完整的营销性质的图片。劳特伯恩在1990年写了关于四个 P 的文章。(1990).新的营销连续剧: 四个 P 过时: C-Words 接管。广告年龄，61(41) ，26。
{{blockquote|When Jerry McCarthy and [[Philip Kotler|Phil Kotler]] proposed their alliterative litany -- Product, Price, Place and Promotion -- the marketing world was very different. Roaring out of [[World War II]] with a
cranked-up production system ready to feed a lust for better living, American business linked management science to the art of mass marketing and rocketed to the moon. In the days of "Father Knows Best," it all seemed so simple. The advertiser developed a product, priced it to make a profit, placed it on the retail shelf and promoted it to a pliant, even eager consumer. Mass media simultaneously taught consumptive culture and provided advertisers with efficient access to an audience which would behave, [[Ernest Dichter|Dr. Dichter]] assured us, perfectly predictably, given the proper stimulation.}}
He instead advocated a four Cs classification which is a more consumer-oriented version of the four Ps that attempts to better fit the movement from mass marketing to niche marketing:
*[[Consumer]]: don't focus on product, study consumer wants and needs
*[[Cost]]: forget price, instead understand the consumer cost to satisfy that want or need, even driving time versus time spent with family matters
*[[Communication]]: forget promotion, instead focus on communication and create dialogue
*[[Convenience]]: forget place, instead think about convenience to buy, know each market subsegment
He instead advocated a four Cs classification which is a more consumer-oriented version of the four Ps that attempts to better fit the movement from mass marketing to niche marketing:
*Consumer: don't focus on product, study consumer wants and needs
*Cost: forget price, instead understand the consumer cost to satisfy that want or need, even driving time versus time spent with family matters
*Communication: forget promotion, instead focus on communication and create dialogue
*Convenience: forget place, instead think about convenience to buy, know each market subsegment
相反，他提倡四 C 分类，这是一个更面向消费者的四个 P 的版本，试图更好地适应从大众营销到利基营销的运动:
* 消费者: 不要关注产品，研究消费者的需求和需求
* 成本: 忘记价格，而是了解消费者的成本，以满足需求或需求，甚至驾驶时间与花费在家庭事务上的时间
* 沟通: 忘记促销，而是专注于沟通和创造对话
* 方便: 忘记地点，而是考虑购买的方便，了解每个市场细分
=== Sociology ===
{{main|Economic sociology}}
====Economic rationality====
====Economic rationality====
= = = = 经济理性 = = = =
[[Max Weber]] defines the measure of rational economic action as the:<ref>Weber, Max. The Theory Of Social And Economic Organization. Free Press.</ref>
Max Weber defines the measure of rational economic action as the:Weber, Max. The Theory Of Social And Economic Organization. Free Press.
马克斯 · 韦伯将理性经济行为的度量定义为: 韦伯，马克斯。社会经济组织理论。新闻自由。
# Systematic distribution of utilities between present and future
# Systematic distribution of utilities between various potential uses
# Systematic production of utilities by [[manufacture]] or transportation by the owner of the means of production
# Systematic acquisition by agreement of the powers of control and disposal over utilities, mainly by establishing [[corporate]] groups or by exchange
# Systematic distribution of utilities between present and future
# Systematic distribution of utilities between various potential uses
# Systematic production of utilities by manufacture or transportation by the owner of the means of production
# Systematic acquisition by agreement of the powers of control and disposal over utilities, mainly by establishing corporate groups or by exchange
# 公用事业在现在和未来之间的系统分配 # 公用事业在各种潜在用途之间的系统分配 # 生产资料所有者通过制造或运输系统地生产公用事业 # 通过协议系统地获得对公用事业的控制和处置权，主要是通过建立公司集团或通过交换
[[File:Dilli Haat bargaining.jpg|thumb|250px|Market bargaining in [[Dilli Haat]] ([[Delhi]])]]
Opposition of interests is typically resolved by [[bargaining]] or by [[Procurement|competitive biding]]:
Opposition of interests is typically resolved by bargaining or by competitive biding:
利益的对立通常通过讨价还价或竞争性投标来解决:
# Utilities, goods and labour are at the disposal of the individual without interference from others
# Transportation can be seen as a part of the process of production
# It is indifferent whether the individual is prevented from using force to interfere in the controls of others by means of a [[legal order]], [[convention (norm)|convention]], [[Convention (norm)|custom]], self-interest or [[moral standard]]s
# Competition for the means of production may exist under various conditions
# Anything which may be transferred between individuals by compensation may be an object of exchange
# Conditions of exchange may be traditional, conventional (exchange of gifts) or rational (motivated by profit or need)
# Regulations may threaten the source of supply
# Utilities, goods and labour are at the disposal of the individual without interference from others
# Transportation can be seen as a part of the process of production
# It is indifferent whether the individual is prevented from using force to interfere in the controls of others by means of a legal order, convention, custom, self-interest or moral standards
# Competition for the means of production may exist under various conditions
# Anything which may be transferred between individuals by compensation may be an object of exchange
# Conditions of exchange may be traditional, conventional (exchange of gifts) or rational (motivated by profit or need)
# Regulations may threaten the source of supply
交通可以被看作是生产过程的一部分，个人是否可以通过法律秩序、惯例、习俗、利己主义或道德标准来阻止他人使用武力来干涉他人的控制，这是无关紧要的。生产资料的竞争可能存在于不同的条件下
Money may classified as:
Money may classified as:
货币可分为:
* Coined money is called "free money" or "market money" when it is coined by the [[Mint (facility)|mint]] without limit of amount
* It is called "limited" money or "administrative money" if the issue of coinage if subject to a corporate group
* It is called regulated money if the kind and amount of coinage is subject to rules
* Coined money is called "free money" or "market money" when it is coined by the mint without limit of amount
* It is called "limited" money or "administrative money" if the issue of coinage if subject to a corporate group
* It is called regulated money if the kind and amount of coinage is subject to rules
* 铸币厂无限额铸造的货币称为“自由货币”或“市场货币”
* 如果发行的货币属于一个公司集团，则称为“有限”货币或“管理货币”
* 如果发行的货币的种类和数量受到规则的约束，则称为管制货币
Weber defines:
* Market situation: all the opportunities of exchanging a good for money that are known by the participants
* Marketability: degree of regularity that a good tends to be an object of exchange in the market
* Market freedom: degree of autonomy enjoyed by the participants in price determination and competition
* Market regulation: restrictions on marketability and market freedom, done by tradition, convention, law, voluntary action
Weber defines:
* Market situation: all the opportunities of exchanging a good for money that are known by the participants
* Marketability: degree of regularity that a good tends to be an object of exchange in the market
* Market freedom: degree of autonomy enjoyed by the participants in price determination and competition
* Market regulation: restrictions on marketability and market freedom, done by tradition, convention, law, voluntary action
韦伯定义如下:
* 市场情况: 所有参与者知道的用货币交换货物的机会
* 市场可行性: 货物在市场中往往成为交换对象的规律性程度
* 市场自由度: 参与者在价格决定和竞争中享有的自主程度
* 市场监管: 通过传统、惯例、法律和自愿行动对市场可行性和市场自由的限制
[[File:Radhanites.png|thumb|250px|Trade networks are very old and in this picture the blue line shows the trade network of the [[Radhanites]], circa 870 CE]]
Weber defines "formal rationality of economic action" to designate the extent of quantitative [[calculation]] or [[accounting]] and "substantive rationality" as the degree a group of persons is or could be adequately provided with good by means of oriented course of social action. A prominent entry-point for challenging the market model's applicability concerns exchange transactions and the ''[[homo economicus]]'' assumption of self-interest maximization. {{As of | 2012}}, a number of streams of [[economic sociology|economic sociological]] analysis of markets focus on the role of the social in transactions and on the ways transactions involve [[social network]]s and relations of [[Trust (social sciences)|trust]], [[cooperation]] and other bonds.<ref name="Swedberg, 1994, p. 267"/> Economic geographers in turn draw attention to the ways exchange transactions occur against the backdrop of [[institutional]], social and geographic processes, including [[social class|class]] relations, [[uneven development]] and historically contingent [[path dependency|path-dependencies]].<ref>Martin, Ron (2000) "Institutional Approaches in Economic Geography", ''Handbook of Economic Geography''. Ed. Eric Sheppard and Trevor J. Barnes. Blackwell Publishers.Peck, 2005</ref> [[Pierre Bourdieu]] has suggested the market model is becoming self-realizing in virtue of its wide acceptance in national and international institutions through the 1990s.<ref>Bourdieu, Pierre (1999) Acts of Resistance: Against the Tyranny of the Market. The New Press.p. 95</ref>
Weber defines "formal rationality of economic action" to designate the extent of quantitative calculation or accounting and "substantive rationality" as the degree a group of persons is or could be adequately provided with good by means of oriented course of social action. A prominent entry-point for challenging the market model's applicability concerns exchange transactions and the homo economicus assumption of self-interest maximization. , a number of streams of economic sociological analysis of markets focus on the role of the social in transactions and on the ways transactions involve social networks and relations of trust, cooperation and other bonds. Economic geographers in turn draw attention to the ways exchange transactions occur against the backdrop of institutional, social and geographic processes, including class relations, uneven development and historically contingent path-dependencies.Martin, Ron (2000) "Institutional Approaches in Economic Geography", Handbook of Economic Geography. Ed. Eric Sheppard and Trevor J. Barnes. Blackwell Publishers.Peck, 2005 Pierre Bourdieu has suggested the market model is becoming self-realizing in virtue of its wide acceptance in national and international institutions through the 1990s.Bourdieu, Pierre (1999) Acts of Resistance: Against the Tyranny of the Market. The New Press.p. 95
韦伯将“经济行为的形式理性”定义为定量计算或核算的程度，将“实质理性”定义为一个群体通过社会行为的导向过程获得或能够获得充分的好处的程度。挑战市场模型适用性的一个突出的切入点是交易和自利最大化的经济人假设。许多对市场的经济社会学分析集中于社会在交易中的作用以及交易涉及社会网络和信任、合作及其他关系的方式。经济地理学家反过来提请注意在体制、社会和地理进程的背景下交易发生的方式，包括阶级关系、不平衡的发展和历史上偶然的路径依赖。罗恩 · 马丁(2000)《经济地理学中的制度方法》 ，《经济地理学手册》。艾德。Eric Sheppard 和 Trevor J. Barnes。布莱克威尔出版社。Peck，2005 Pierre Bourdieu 认为市场模式正在变得自我实现，因为它在国家和国际机构中被广泛接受。布迪厄，皮埃尔(1999)反抗行为: 反对市场的暴政。The New Press.95
====Abstraction, market agencement and framing====
====Abstraction, market agencement and framing====
= = = = 抽象，市场启动和框架 = = =
[[Michel Callon]] traces the history of how the market as a place (fairs, flea markets, fish markets) became an abstract concept (market for ideas, dating market, job market) which he calls the interface market model.<ref>
Callon, Michel (2021). Markets in the Making . Zone Books.</ref> This abstraction proceeds in three layers:
Michel Callon traces the history of how the market as a place (fairs, flea markets, fish markets) became an abstract concept (market for ideas, dating market, job market) which he calls the interface market model.
Callon, Michel (2021). Markets in the Making . Zone Books. This abstraction proceeds in three layers:
Michel Callon 追溯了市场作为一个地方(集市、跳蚤市场、鱼市场)如何成为一个抽象概念(创意市场、约会市场、就业市场)的历史，他称之为界面市场模型。卡隆，米歇尔(2021)。正在形成的市场。区域书籍。这种抽象分为三个层次:
* Sellers, buyers, platform goods
* Competition
* Institutions
* Sellers, buyers, platform goods
* Competition
* Institutions
* 卖家，买家，平台商品
* 竞争
* 机构
The interface market model thus establishes that:
The interface market model thus establishes that:
因此，接口市场模式规定:
# Agents and goods are distinguable
# A transfer is a communication of property rights
# Competition develops between [[Agent (economics)|agent]]s
# A [[Financial transaction|transaction]] consists of monetary payments
# Agents and goods are distinguable
# A transfer is a communication of property rights
# Competition develops between agents
# A transaction consists of monetary payments
# 代理商和货物是可以区分的 # 转让是财产权的交流 # 代理商之间的竞争 # 交易包括货币支付
The limitations of this model are:
The limitations of this model are:
这种模式的局限性是:
# They do not take into account the material composition of market activities
# They bracket out the constructive process of creating supply and demand, which leads to underestimating the crucial role played by bilateral transactions and the initiation of these transactions
# They create unrealism through the concepts of [[Aggregation problem|aggregated]] supply and demand and bring about difficulties in comprehending the actual mechanisms for establishing prices
# They create a total impasse on the complex processes that result in a separation between agents and goods
# The hypothesis that goods are platforms precludes us from recognizing they are processes
# A description of agents that underestimates their diversity, heterogeneity, and plasticity
# They do not take into account the material composition of market activities
# They bracket out the constructive process of creating supply and demand, which leads to underestimating the crucial role played by bilateral transactions and the initiation of these transactions
# They create unrealism through the concepts of aggregated supply and demand and bring about difficulties in comprehending the actual mechanisms for establishing prices
# They create a total impasse on the complex processes that result in a separation between agents and goods
# The hypothesis that goods are platforms precludes us from recognizing they are processes
# A description of agents that underestimates their diversity, heterogeneity, and plasticity
# 他们没有考虑到市场活动的物质构成 # 他们把创造供给和需求的建设性过程排除在外，这导致低估了双边交易和这些交易的启动所起的关键作用 # 他们通过总供给和需求的概念创造了非现实主义，给理解确定价格的实际机制带来了困难 # 他们在导致代理商和商品分离的复杂过程上创造了一个完全的僵局 # 商品是平台的假设阻止我们认识到他们是过程 # 对代理商的描述低估了他们的多样性，异质性和可塑性
Callon offer the market agencements (heterogenous assemblage) model as an alternative, its features being:
Callon offer the market agencements (heterogenous assemblage) model as an alternative, its features being:
Callon 提供了市场代理(异质组合)模型作为替代方案，其特点是:
# Competition is the struggle to establish bilateral transactions that are never identical
# Innovation is fundamental to commercial activity
# Goods are processes
# Profilerating agents, plastic identities and networking
# Competition is the struggle to establish bilateral transactions that are never identical
# Innovation is fundamental to commercial activity
# Goods are processes
# Profilerating agents, plastic identities and networking
创新是商业活动的基础，商品是过程，侧写代理，塑料身份和网络
[[File:Yongsan Electronics Market (3385983467) (cropped).jpg|thumb|center|1000px|[[Yongsan Electronics Market]] in [[Seoul]] ([[South Korea]])]]
Market agencements function through [[Framing (social sciences)|framing]], that is action is oriented to a strategic goal (obtaining bilateral transactions), for example market oriented passiva(c)tion:
Market agencements function through framing, that is action is oriented to a strategic goal (obtaining bilateral transactions), for example market oriented passiva(c)tion:
市场代理的功能是通过框架，即行动是面向一个战略目标(获得双边交易) ，例如市场导向的被动(c)关系:
# Detaches the good and liberates it from all those who participated in its elaboration and profiling
# Renders it apt to provoke courses of actions and to contribute to their realization (that is, imbues it with uses)
# Ensures that its behavior is at least to a certain extent controllable and predictable
# Organizes the attribution and transfer of [[property right]]s
# Detaches the good and liberates it from all those who participated in its elaboration and profiling
# Renders it apt to provoke courses of actions and to contribute to their realization (that is, imbues it with uses)
# Ensures that its behavior is at least to a certain extent controllable and predictable
# Organizes the attribution and transfer of property rights
把好的东西从所有参与其制作和分析的人中分离出来，使它更容易引发行动过程，并有助于它们的实现(也就是说，充满了用途)。确保它的行为至少在一定程度上是可控的和可预测的
Callon identifies the activities necessary for framing:
Callon identifies the activities necessary for framing:
Callon 确定了构建框架所必需的活动:
# Rendering goods pass(act)ive
# Activating agencies capable of evaluating and transforming these goods
# Organizing their encounter
# Ensuring the attachment of the goods to the agencies
# Obtaining consent to pay
# Setting a price and compelling payment–actions that combine and interweave with one another, with possible feedback loops and iterations
# Rendering goods pass(act)ive
# Activating agencies capable of evaluating and transforming these goods
# Organizing their encounter
# Ensuring the attachment of the goods to the agencies
# Obtaining consent to pay
# Setting a price and compelling payment–actions that combine and interweave with one another, with possible feedback loops and iterations
激活有能力评估和转换这些商品的机构。组织他们的会面。确保商品与机构的连接。获得支付同意。设定价格和强制性支付。这些行动相互结合，相互交织，可能有反馈循环和迭代
==== Embeddedness ====
==== Embeddedness ====
==== Embeddedness ====
Alfred Marshall wrote:<ref name="Marshall 1890"/>
{{blockquote|Thus it is on the one side a study of wealth; and on the other, and more important side, a part of the study of man. For man's character has been moulded by his every-day work, and the material resources which he thereby procures, more than by any other influence unless it be that of his religious [[ideal (ethics)|ideal]]s; and the two great forming agencies of the world's history have been the [[religious]] and the economic. Here and there the ardour of the military or the artistic spirit has been for a while predominant: but religious and economic influences have nowhere been displaced from the front rank even for a time; and they have nearly always been more important than all others put together. Religious motives are more intense than economic, but their direct action seldom extends over so large a part of life. For the business by which a person earns his livelihood generally fills his thoughts during by far the greater part of those hours in which his mind is at its best; during them his character is being formed by the way in which he uses his faculties in his work, by the thoughts and the feelings which i\t suggests, and by his relations to his associates in work, his employers or his employees.}}
Alfred Marshall wrote:
阿尔弗雷德 · 马歇尔写道:
[[File:Puritans-drinking-from-pewter-mugs-in-colonial-massachusetts.jpg|thumb|450px|Puritans drinking from [[pewter]] mugs at the tavern, [[Massachusetts]].]]
According to Max Weber the spirit of capitalism as preached by [[Benjamin Franklin]] is directly connected with utilitarianism, [[rationalism]] and [[Protestantism]]. [[Martin Luther|Luther]] [[Religious calling|calling]] was not a monastic one but involves the fullfilments of obligations imposed by one's position in the world. The pursuit of money and earthly goods was not viewed positively by [[Protestantism]], the [[Puritan]]s however emphasized that [[God]] blessings, like in the [[Book of Job]], applied also to material life. The limitation of consumption inevitably results in [[capital accumulation]], therefore, for Weber, the Puritan's idea of the calling and [[asceticism|ascetic conduct]] contributed to development of capitalism: [[saving]] is an ascetic activity.<ref>Weber, Max (2012). [[The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism]], Start Publishing LLC.</ref>
According to Max Weber the spirit of capitalism as preached by Benjamin Franklin is directly connected with utilitarianism, rationalism and Protestantism. Luther calling was not a monastic one but involves the fullfilments of obligations imposed by one's position in the world. The pursuit of money and earthly goods was not viewed positively by Protestantism, the Puritans however emphasized that God blessings, like in the Book of Job, applied also to material life. The limitation of consumption inevitably results in capital accumulation, therefore, for Weber, the Puritan's idea of the calling and ascetic conduct contributed to development of capitalism: saving is an ascetic activity.Weber, Max (2012). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Start Publishing LLC.
马克斯 · 韦伯认为，本杰明·富兰克林所宣扬的资本主义精神与功利主义、理性主义和新教有着直接的联系。路德的呼召不是一个修道院的呼召，而是一个人在世界上的地位所强加的义务的履行。对金钱和世俗物品的追求并没有得到新教的积极看待，然而，清教徒强调上帝的祝福，就像在约伯记中一样，也适用于物质生活。限制消费不可避免地导致资本积累，因此，对韦伯来说，清教徒关于召唤和禁欲行为的观点促进了资本主义的发展: 储蓄是一种禁欲的活动。韦伯，麦克斯(2012)。新教伦理与资本主义精神，开始出版有限责任公司。
[[Embeddedness]] expresses the idea that the economy is not autonomous but subordinated to politics, religion, and social relations. [[Karl Polanyi|Polanyi]]’s use of the term suggests now familiar idea that market transactions depend on trust, mutual understanding, and legal enforcement of contracts.<ref>Polanyi, Karl (2001). [[The Great Transformation (book)|The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time]]. Beacon Press.</ref> Michel Callon's concept of framing provides a useful [[Schema (Kant)|schema]]: each economic act or transaction occurs against, incorporates and also re-performs a geographically and cultural specific complex of social histories, institutional arrangements, rules and connections. These [[social network|network]] relations are simultaneously bracketed, so that persons and transactions may be disentangled from thick social bonds. The character of calculability is imposed upon agents as they come to work in markets and are “formatted” as calculative agencies. Market exchanges contain a history of struggle and contestation that produced actors predisposed to exchange under certain sets of rules. Therefore, for Challon, market transactions can never be disembedded from social and geographic relations and there is no sense to talking of degrees of embeddedness and disembeddeness.<ref>Callon, 1998; Mitchell, 2002, p. 291,</ref> During the 20th century two common forms of critique were made:
*Categories of 19th century [[social science]] such as [[Social class|class]], [[modernity]] or [[Western world|the West]] were [[social construction]]s
*These categories were artificial and not universal
Embeddedness expresses the idea that the economy is not autonomous but subordinated to politics, religion, and social relations. Polanyi’s use of the term suggests now familiar idea that market transactions depend on trust, mutual understanding, and legal enforcement of contracts.Polanyi, Karl (2001). The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Beacon Press. Michel Callon's concept of framing provides a useful schema: each economic act or transaction occurs against, incorporates and also re-performs a geographically and cultural specific complex of social histories, institutional arrangements, rules and connections. These network relations are simultaneously bracketed, so that persons and transactions may be disentangled from thick social bonds. The character of calculability is imposed upon agents as they come to work in markets and are “formatted” as calculative agencies. Market exchanges contain a history of struggle and contestation that produced actors predisposed to exchange under certain sets of rules. Therefore, for Challon, market transactions can never be disembedded from social and geographic relations and there is no sense to talking of degrees of embeddedness and disembeddeness.Callon, 1998; Mitchell, 2002, p. 291, During the 20th century two common forms of critique were made:
*Categories of 19th century social science such as class, modernity or the West were social constructions
*These categories were artificial and not universal
嵌入性表达了这样一种观点，即经济不是自治的，而是从属于政治、宗教和社会关系的。波拉尼对这个词的使用表明了现在熟悉的观点，即市场交易依赖于信任、相互理解和合同的法律执行。波兰尼，卡尔(2001)。伟大的转变: 我们这个时代的政治和经济起源。灯塔出版社。米歇尔 · 卡隆的框架概念提供了一个有用的图式: 每一个经济行为或交易都发生在一个特定的社会历史、制度安排、规则和联系的地理和文化复合体之上，并且在这个复合体中重新表现。这些网络关系同时被包括在内，这样人和交易就可以从厚重的社会关系中解脱出来。可计算性的特征是强加给代理人的，因为他们来到市场工作，并被“格式化”为计算机构。市场交易包含着斗争和争论的历史，这种斗争和争论导致行为者倾向于根据某些规则进行交易。因此，对于 Challon 来说，市场交易永远不可能从社会和地理关系中分离出来，谈论嵌入程度和分离程度是没有意义的。卡隆，1998; 米切尔，2002，第291页，在20世纪，有两种常见的批判形式:
* 19世纪社会科学的类别，如阶级，现代性或西方是社会建构
* 这些类别是人为的，而不是普遍的
These are common themes in interpretive [[social science]], [[cultural studies]] and [[post-structuralism]]. However, as [[Timothy Mitchell]] points out this mode of thought tends to put aside the real, the natural and nonhuman: the idea that a universal processes exists such as modernity, [[capitalism]] and [[globalization]] should not be taken for granted.<ref>Timothy Mitchell. Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity</ref> An emerging theme is the interrelationship, inter-penetrability and variations of concepts of [[person]]s, [[commodities]] and modes of exchange under particular market formations. This is most pronounced in recent movement towards [[post-structuralist]] theorizing that draws on [[Michel Foucault]] and [[Actor-network theory|Actor Network Theory]] and stress relational aspects of person-hood, and dependence and integration into networks and practical systems. Commodity network approaches further both deconstruct and show alternatives to the market models concept of commodities.<ref>Hughes, Alex (2005) "Geographies of Exchange and Circulation: alternative trading spaces" Progress in Human Geography</ref>
These are common themes in interpretive social science, cultural studies and post-structuralism. However, as Timothy Mitchell points out this mode of thought tends to put aside the real, the natural and nonhuman: the idea that a universal processes exists such as modernity, capitalism and globalization should not be taken for granted.Timothy Mitchell. Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity An emerging theme is the interrelationship, inter-penetrability and variations of concepts of persons, commodities and modes of exchange under particular market formations. This is most pronounced in recent movement towards post-structuralist theorizing that draws on Michel Foucault and Actor Network Theory and stress relational aspects of person-hood, and dependence and integration into networks and practical systems. Commodity network approaches further both deconstruct and show alternatives to the market models concept of commodities.Hughes, Alex (2005) "Geographies of Exchange and Circulation: alternative trading spaces" Progress in Human Geography
这些都是解释性社会科学、文化研究和后结构主义的共同主题。然而，正如蒂莫西 · 米切尔(Timothy Mitchell)指出的那样，这种思维模式倾向于把真实的、自然的和非人的东西放在一边: 不应该想当然地认为现代性、资本主义和全球化等普遍进程是存在的。Timothy Mitchell.专家规则: 埃及，技术-政治，现代性一个新出现的主题是在特定的市场形态下人、商品和交换模式的概念的相互关系、相互渗透性和变化。这在最近的后结构主义理论运动中最为明显，该理论借鉴了米歇尔 · 福柯(Michel Foucault)和演员网络理论(Actor Network Theory) ，并强调了人格的关系方面，以及依赖和融入网络和实践系统。初级商品网络方法进一步解构和显示了初级商品市场模型概念的替代品。休斯，亚历克斯(2005年)“交换和流通的地理学: 另类交易空间”人类地理学的进展
==== Social systems theory ====
==== Social systems theory ====
= = = = 社会系统理论 = = = =
In [[social system]]s theory (cf. [[Niklas Luhmann]]), markets are also conceptualized as inner environments of the economy. As horizon of all potential investment decisions the market represents the environment of the actually realized investment decisions. However, such inner environments can also be observed in further function systems of society like in political, scientific, religious or mass media systems.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Roth | first1 = Steffen | year = 2012 | title = Leaving commonplaces on the common place: Cornerstones of a polyphonic market theory | ssrn = 2192754 | journal = Journal for Critical Organization Inquiry | volume = 10 | issue = 3| pages = 43–52 }}</ref>
In social systems theory (cf. Niklas Luhmann), markets are also conceptualized as inner environments of the economy. As horizon of all potential investment decisions the market represents the environment of the actually realized investment decisions. However, such inner environments can also be observed in further function systems of society like in political, scientific, religious or mass media systems.
社会系统理论。市场也被概念化为经济的内部环境。作为所有潜在投资决策的视野，市场代表着实际实现的投资决策的环境。然而，这种内在环境也可以在社会的进一步功能系统中观察到，如在政治、科学、宗教或大众传媒系统中。
=== Economic geography ===
{{main|Economic geography}}
[[Wilhelm Launhardt]], a [[Location theory|location theorist]], wrote:<ref>Launhardt Wilhelm 1900. ''The theory of trace: being a discussion of the principles of location'', Lawrence Asylum Press</ref>
Wilhelm Launhardt, a location theorist, wrote:Launhardt Wilhelm 1900. The theory of trace: being a discussion of the principles of location, Lawrence Asylum Press
= = 经济地理学 = = = 威廉 · 朗哈特，一位位置理论家，写道: 威廉 · 朗哈特1900年。痕迹理论: 劳伦斯庇护出版社关于位置原则的讨论
{{blockquote|The conditions governing the distribution and settling of the population over any area are dependent on the nature of its economic activity: and when this activity is engaged in the [[Agriculture|cultivation]] of the surface of the ground and in the [[husbandry]] of land and wood and on many kinds of handicrafts and small manufactures this distribution is to be assumed as uniform over the area; although, as a matter of fact, the population usually lives collected together in small hamlets, and the number of the inhabitants per unit of area, or [[density of population]], varies according to the local conditions. Another part of the population, namely that which is engaged in wholesale commerce, the various professions of Art and Science, and that which consists of merchants and officials, lives collected in towns.}}
Transportation can be carried either by stone-paved roads or railways, the former not being fully developed by private capital alone. A widespread trend in [[economic history]] and [[sociology]] is skeptical of the idea that it is possible to develop a theory to capture an essence or unifying thread to markets.<ref>
Swedberg, Richard (1994) "Markets as Social Structures" The Handbook of Economic Sociology. Ed. Neil Smelser and Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press. {{oclc|29703776}}, p. 258)</ref> For economic geographers, reference to regional, local, or [[commodity]] specific markets can serve to undermine assumptions of global integration and highlight geographic variations in the structures, [[institution]]s, histories, [[path dependency|path dependencies]], forms of interaction and modes of self-understanding of agents in different spheres of market exchange.<ref>
Peck, J. (2005) "Economic Geographies in Space" Economic Geography 81(2) 129–175.</ref> Reference to actual markets can show [[capitalism]] not as a totalizing force or completely encompassing [[mode of production|mode of economic activity]], but rather as "a set of economic practices scattered over a [[landscape]], rather than a systemic concentration of power".<ref>(Gibson-Graham, J.K. (2006) Postcapitalist Politics. University of Minnesota Press,. p. 2).</ref>
Transportation can be carried either by stone-paved roads or railways, the former not being fully developed by private capital alone. A widespread trend in economic history and sociology is skeptical of the idea that it is possible to develop a theory to capture an essence or unifying thread to markets.
Swedberg, Richard (1994) "Markets as Social Structures" The Handbook of Economic Sociology. Ed. Neil Smelser and Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press. , p. 258) For economic geographers, reference to regional, local, or commodity specific markets can serve to undermine assumptions of global integration and highlight geographic variations in the structures, institutions, histories, path dependencies, forms of interaction and modes of self-understanding of agents in different spheres of market exchange.
Peck, J. (2005) "Economic Geographies in Space" Economic Geography 81(2) 129–175. Reference to actual markets can show capitalism not as a totalizing force or completely encompassing mode of economic activity, but rather as "a set of economic practices scattered over a landscape, rather than a systemic concentration of power".(Gibson-Graham, J.K. (2006) Postcapitalist Politics. University of Minnesota Press,. p. 2).
交通可以通过石头铺成的公路或铁路运输，前者并非完全由私人资本独自开发。经济历史学和社会学的一个普遍趋势是怀疑有可能发展出一种理论来捕捉市场的本质或统一线索的观点。理查德 · 斯韦德伯格(1994)《作为社会结构的市场》经济社会学手册。艾德。尼尔 · 斯梅尔塞和理查德 · 斯韦伯格。普林斯顿大学出版社。对于经济地理学家来说，参考区域、地方或商品特定市场可能会破坏全球一体化的假设，并突出结构、制度、历史、路径依赖、互动形式以及市场交换不同领域的主体的自我理解模式的地理差异。佩克，小乔。(2005)《太空经济地理》经济地理81(2)129-175。参考实际市场可以表明，资本主义不是一种总体力量或完全包容的经济活动模式，而是“一系列分散在各地的经济实践，而不是权力的系统集中”。(Gibson-Graham，J.K. ，2006)后资本主义政治。明尼苏达大学出版社。P. 2).
[[File:Mercado Negro, La Paz, Bolivia.JPG|thumb|250px|[[Black market]] in [[La Paz]]]]
Problematic for market formalism is the relationship between formal capitalist economic processes and a variety of alternative forms, ranging from semi-[[feudal]] and [[peasant]] economies widely operative in many [[developing economy|developing economies]], to [[informal market]]s, [[barter]] systems, [[worker cooperative]]s, or [[illegal trade]]s that occur in most developed countries. Practices of incorporation of non-Western peoples into global markets in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not merely result in the quashing of former social economic institutions. Rather, various modes of articulation arose between transformed and hybridized local traditions and social practices and the emergent [[world economy]]. By their liberal nature, so called capitalist markets have almost always included a wide range of geographically situated economic practices that do not follow the market model. Economies are thus hybrids of market and non-market elements.<ref>(Mitchell, Timothy (2002) Rule of Experts. University of California Pressp. 270; Gibson-Graham 2006, supra pp. 53–78)</ref> Helpful here is [[J.K. Gibson-Graham]]'s complex topology of the diversity of contemporary market economies describing different types of [[Financial transaction|transactions]], [[Manual labour|labour]] and economic agents. Transactions can occur in [[black market]]s (such as for [[marijuana]]) or be artificially protected (such as for [[patent]]s). They can cover the sale of [[Public good (economics)|public good]]s under [[privatization]] schemes to co-operative exchanges and occur under varying degrees of [[monopoly power]] and state [[regulation]]. Likewise, there are a wide variety of economic agents, which engage in different types of transactions on different terms: one cannot assume the practices of a religious [[kindergarten]], [[multinational corporation]], [[state enterprise]], or community-based [[cooperative]] can be subsumed under the same logic of calculability. This emphasis on proliferation can also be contrasted with continuing scholarly attempts to show underlying cohesive and structural similarities to different markets.<ref name="Swedberg, 1994, p. 267">Swedberg, 1994, p. 267</ref> Gibson-Graham thus read a variety of alternative markets for [[fair trade]] and [[organic food]]s or those using [[local exchange trading system]] as not only contributing to proliferation, but also forging new modes of ethical exchange and economic subjectivities.
Problematic for market formalism is the relationship between formal capitalist economic processes and a variety of alternative forms, ranging from semi-feudal and peasant economies widely operative in many developing economies, to informal markets, barter systems, worker cooperatives, or illegal trades that occur in most developed countries. Practices of incorporation of non-Western peoples into global markets in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not merely result in the quashing of former social economic institutions. Rather, various modes of articulation arose between transformed and hybridized local traditions and social practices and the emergent world economy. By their liberal nature, so called capitalist markets have almost always included a wide range of geographically situated economic practices that do not follow the market model. Economies are thus hybrids of market and non-market elements.(Mitchell, Timothy (2002) Rule of Experts. University of California Pressp. 270; Gibson-Graham 2006, supra pp. 53–78) Helpful here is J.K. Gibson-Graham's complex topology of the diversity of contemporary market economies describing different types of transactions, labour and economic agents. Transactions can occur in black markets (such as for marijuana) or be artificially protected (such as for patents). They can cover the sale of public goods under privatization schemes to co-operative exchanges and occur under varying degrees of monopoly power and state regulation. Likewise, there are a wide variety of economic agents, which engage in different types of transactions on different terms: one cannot assume the practices of a religious kindergarten, multinational corporation, state enterprise, or community-based cooperative can be subsumed under the same logic of calculability. This emphasis on proliferation can also be contrasted with continuing scholarly attempts to show underlying cohesive and structural similarities to different markets.Swedberg, 1994, p. 267 Gibson-Graham thus read a variety of alternative markets for fair trade and organic foods or those using local exchange trading system as not only contributing to proliferation, but also forging new modes of ethical exchange and economic subjectivities.
市场形式主义的问题在于正式的资本主义经济进程与各种替代形式之间的关系，这些形式包括在许多发展中经济体中广泛运作的半封建和农民经济，以及在大多数发达国家中出现的非正式市场、易货制度、工人合作社或非法贸易。19世纪和20世纪将非西方人民纳入全球市场的做法不仅导致以前的社会经济机构被取消。相反，在经过改造和混合的地方传统和社会实践与新兴世界经济之间出现了各种表达方式。由于其自由的性质，所谓的资本主义市场几乎总是包括一系列不遵循市场模式的广泛的地理位置上的经济实践。因此，经济是市场因素和非市场因素的混合体。(米切尔，蒂莫西(2002)专家规则。加州大学出版社。270年; 吉布森-格雷厄姆2006年，超级警察。53-78) J.K. 吉布森-格雷厄姆(J.K. Gibson-Graham)关于当代市场经济多样性的复杂拓扑结构，描述了不同类型的交易、劳动力和经济主体，很有帮助。交易可以发生在黑市(如大麻)或人为保护(如专利)。它们可以包括在私有化计划下向合作交易所出售公共产品，也可以包括在不同程度的垄断权力和国家监管下出售公共产品。同样，有各种各样的经济主体，它们以不同的条件从事不同类型的交易: 我们不能假设宗教幼儿园、跨国公司、国有企业或社区合作社的做法可以归入同样的可计算逻辑。这种对扩散的强调也可与持续不断的学术努力形成对比，后者试图显示不同市场的基本内聚力和结构相似性。因此，吉布森-格雷厄姆解读了公平贸易和有机食品的各种替代市场，或者那些使用当地交易系统的替代市场，认为它们不仅有助于扩散，而且有助于形成新的道德交换模式和经济主观性。
=== Anthropology ===
{{main|Economic anthropology}}
Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of anthropology, [[Bronisław Malinowski]], and his French compatriot, [[Marcel Mauss]], on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or [[Reciprocity (cultural anthropology)|reciprocity]]) as an alternative to market exchange. Studies in economic anthropology for the most part are focused on exchange but they a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical:<ref>Bourdieu, Pierre (2017). Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993. Editions du Seuil.</ref> for example Trobianders described by Malinowski deviate from rational self-interested individual.<ref name="Malinowski 1922">Malinowski, Bronislaw. Argonauts Of The Western Pacific - An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea - Read Books Ltd.</ref>
Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of anthropology, Bronisław Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Studies in economic anthropology for the most part are focused on exchange but they a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical:Bourdieu, Pierre (2017). Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993. Editions du Seuil. for example Trobianders described by Malinowski deviate from rational self-interested individual.Malinowski, Bronislaw. Argonauts Of The Western Pacific - An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea - Read Books Ltd.
经济人类学是一个学术领域，试图解释人类经济行为在其最广泛的历史，地理和文化范围。它作为人类学的一个分支起源于人类学的波兰裔英国创始人，布罗尼斯拉夫·马林诺夫斯基，和他的法国同胞马塞尔莫斯，关于礼物交换(或互惠)作为市场交换的替代品的性质。经济人类学的研究大部分集中在交换上，但它们与经济学学科之间的复杂关系是非常关键的，布迪厄，皮埃尔(2017)。Anthropologie économique - Cours au Collège de France 1992-1993.门槛出版社。例如，马林诺夫斯基所描述的 Trobiander 偏离了理性自利的个体。西太平洋的宇航员-美拉尼西亚新几内亚群岛的本土企业和冒险记录-读书有限公司。
Bronisław Malinowski's path-breaking work, ''[[Argonauts of the Western Pacific]]'' (1922), addressed the question "why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear to be worthless [[wikt:trinket|trinkets]]?". He begins by describing trade in the [[Polynesia|South Sea]]:<ref name="Malinowski 1922"/>
Bronisław Malinowski's path-breaking work, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), addressed the question "why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear to be worthless trinkets?". He begins by describing trade in the South Sea:
布罗尼斯拉夫·马林诺夫斯基的开创性工作《西太平洋的阿尔戈勇士》(1922)解决了这样一个问题: “为什么人们要冒着生命危险穿越广阔的危险海洋，送出看似毫无价值的小饰品?”.他首先描述了南海的贸易:
{{blockquote|The coastal populations of the [[South Sea Islands]], with very few exceptions, are, or were before their extinction, expert navigators and traders. Several of them had evolved excellent types of large sea-going [[canoe]]s, and used to embark in them on distant trade expeditions or raids of war and conquest. The Papuo-Melanesians, who inhabit the coast and the outlying islands of [[New Guinea]], are no exception to this rule. In general they are daring sailors, industrious manufacturers, and keen traders. The manufacturing centres of important articles, such as pottery, stone implements, canoes, fine baskets, valued ornaments, are localised in several places, according to the skill of the inhabitants, their inherited tribal tradition, and special facilities offered by the district; thence they are traded over wide areas, sometimes travelling more than hundreds of miles. Definite forms of exchange along definite [[trade route]]s are to be found established between the various tribes. A most remarkable form of intertribal trade is that obtaining between the [[Motu people|Motu]] of [[Port Moresby]] and the tribes of the Papuan Gulf. The Motu sail for hundreds of miles in heavy, unwieldy canoes, called [[lakatoi]], which are provided with the characteristic crab-claw sails. They bring pottery and [[Seashell|shell]] ornaments, in olden days, stone blades, to Gulf Papuans, from whom they obtain in exchange sago and the heavy dug-outs, which are used afterwards by the Motu for the construction of their lakatoi canoes.}}
[[File:Kula bracelet.jpg|250px|thumb|A Kula [[bracelet]] from the [[Trobriand Islands]]]]
The economic situation can vary considerably depending on the tribes and islands: for example the [[Gumawana]] villagers are know as efficient sailors and for their skill in pottery, they are, however, island monopolists keeping the trade in their owns hands without improving it. In a series of three expeditions, Malinowski carefully traced the network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the [[Trobriand Islands]] and established that they were part of a system of inter-tribal exchange: it is know as the [[Kula ring]], a closed circuit in which necklaces of red shells go in a [[clockwise]] motion and bracelets of white shell go in anticlockwise motion. Malinowski goes on to explain <ref name="Malinowski 1922"/>::
The economic situation can vary considerably depending on the tribes and islands: for example the Gumawana villagers are know as efficient sailors and for their skill in pottery, they are, however, island monopolists keeping the trade in their owns hands without improving it. In a series of three expeditions, Malinowski carefully traced the network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the Trobriand Islands and established that they were part of a system of inter-tribal exchange: it is know as the Kula ring, a closed circuit in which necklaces of red shells go in a clockwise motion and bracelets of white shell go in anticlockwise motion. Malinowski goes on to explain ::
根据部落和岛屿的不同，经济状况可能会有很大的差异: 例如，古马瓦纳村民被认为是高效率的水手，因为他们在陶瓷方面的技能，但是，他们是岛屿垄断者，自己掌握着陶瓷贸易，而没有改善它。在一系列的三次探险中，马林诺夫斯基仔细地追踪了特罗布里恩群岛上手镯和项链的交换网络，并确定它们是部落间交换系统的一部分，这个系统被称为库拉环，是一个闭合的环路，红色贝壳项链顺时针方向运动，白色贝壳项链逆时针方向运动。马林诺夫斯基接着解释道:
[[File:MAP V - Argonauts of the western Pacific 1922 (page 136 crop).jpg|250px|thumb|The Kula ring]]
250px|thumb|The Kula ring
250px | 图片来源: 库拉戒指
{{blockquote|Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a “form of trade,” and we ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This is quite correct, if we give the word “trade” a sufficiently wide interpretation, and mean by it any exchange of goods. But the word “trade” is used in current [[Ethnography]] and economic literature with so many different implications that a whole lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the aprioric current notion of primitive trade would be that of an exchange of indispensable or useful articles, done without much ceremony or regulation, under stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular intervals—and this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out sharply not to be done out of his due, or, if the savages were too timid and distrustful to face one another, by some customary arrangement, securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in the obligations incurred or imposed.* Waiving for the present the question how far this conception is valid or not in general—in my opinion it is quite misleading—we have to realise clearly that the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of “savage trade.” It shows to us primitive exchange in an entirely different light.
{{blockquote|Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a “form of trade,” and we ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This is quite correct, if we give the word “trade” a sufficiently wide interpretation, and mean by it any exchange of goods. But the word “trade” is used in current Ethnography and economic literature with so many different implications that a whole lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the aprioric current notion of primitive trade would be that of an exchange of indispensable or useful articles, done without much ceremony or regulation, under stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular intervals—and this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out sharply not to be done out of his due, or, if the savages were too timid and distrustful to face one another, by some customary arrangement, securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in the obligations incurred or imposed.* Waiving for the present the question how far this conception is valid or not in general—in my opinion it is quite misleading—we have to realise clearly that the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of “savage trade.” It shows to us primitive exchange in an entirely different light.
在前言中，我们称库拉为“贸易形式”，并将其与其他易货贸易体系放在一起。如果我们对“贸易”这个词给予足够广泛的解释，并且这个词的意思是任何商品的交换，那么这是完全正确的。但是，“贸易”一词在当前的民族志和经济学文献中使用的含义如此之多，以至于为了正确理解事实，必须摒弃许多误导性的、先入为主的观点。因此，目前关于原始贸易的开天辟地的概念就是交换不可或缺的或有用的物品，没有太多的仪式或规定，在缺乏或需要的压力下，间歇性地、不规则地进行交换——这种交换要么通过直接的易货，每个人都急切地注意不要超出自己应得的范围，要么如果野蛮人太胆怯和不信任而不敢面对对方，则通过某种习惯性的安排，通过严厉的惩罚手段确保遵守所产生的或强加的义务。* 暂且不提这个概念在多大程度上是有效的或不是一般性的问题ーー我认为这相当具有误导性ーー我们必须清楚地认识到，库拉几乎在每一点上都与上述“野蛮贸易”的定义相矛盾它以一种完全不同的方式向我们展示了原始的交换。
The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It is, quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law, and surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is not done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at dates settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade routes, which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically, though transacted between tribes differing in language, culture, and probably even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent status, on a partnership which binds into couples some thousands of individuals. This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies various mutual duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of inter-tribal relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic mechanism of the transactions, this is based on a specific form of credit, which implies a high degree of mutual trust and commercial honour—and this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which accompanies the Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under stress of any need, since its main aim is to exchange articles which are of no practical use.}}
The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It is, quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law, and surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is not done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at dates settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade routes, which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically, though transacted between tribes differing in language, culture, and probably even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent status, on a partnership which binds into couples some thousands of individuals. This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies various mutual duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of inter-tribal relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic mechanism of the transactions, this is based on a specific form of credit, which implies a high degree of mutual trust and commercial honour—and this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which accompanies the Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under stress of any need, since its main aim is to exchange articles which are of no practical use.}}
库拉不是一种偷偷摸摸、不稳定的交易形式。恰恰相反，它根植于神话，以传统法律为后盾，周围环绕着魔法仪式。它所有的主要交易都是公开的和仪式性的，并且按照一定的规则进行。它不是一时冲动，而是周期性地发生，在提前确定的日期，并沿着确定的贸易路线进行，这必须导致固定的幽会地点。从社会学的角度来看，尽管在语言、文化甚至种族方面存在差异的部落之间进行交易，但这种交易是建立在一种固定和永久的地位基础之上的，是建立在一种伙伴关系之上的，这种伙伴关系将成千上万的个体联系在一起。这种伙伴关系是一种终身的关系，它蕴含着各种相互的义务和特权，构成了一种规模巨大的部落间关系。至于交易的经济机制，则是基于某种特定形式的信贷，即高度互信及商业信誉ーー这亦指附属于库拉的小额贸易。最后，库拉不是在任何需要的压力下完成的，因为它的主要目的是交换没有实际用途的物品。}
[[File:Parure della regina maria amelia, parigi, 1800-15 poi 1850-75 ca.jpg|250px|thumb|French crown jewels in the Louvre exhibition]]
250px|thumb|French crown jewels in the Louvre exhibition
250px 图片 | 拇指 | 卢浮宫展览中的法国王冠珠宝
In the 1920s and later, Malinowski's study became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of ''[[The Gift (Mauss book)|The Gift]]'' (''Essai sur le don'', 1925).<ref>{{cite book|last=Mauss|first=Marcel|title=The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies|year=1970|publisher=Cohen & West|location=London}}</ref> Malinowski emphasized the exchange of goods between individuals and their non-altruistic motives for giving: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially referred to as "[[Indian giving]]"). In other words, [[Reciprocity (cultural anthropology)|reciprocity]] is an implicit part of gifting as no "free gift" is given without expectation of reciprocity. In contrast, Mauss has emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities.
He stated that this exchange system was clearly linked to political authority.<ref name="Parry 1986 453–73">{{cite journal|last=Parry|first=Jonathan|title=The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'|journal=Man|year=1986|volume=21|issue=3|pages=453–473|doi=10.2307/2803096|jstor=2803096}}</ref> He argued these gifts were a "total prestation" as they were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but like the "[[Crown jewels]]" embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group", such as a line of kings. Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away?" and his answer was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift". A good part of the confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the relationship; and the promise of any future gifts. Based on an improved translate, [[Jonathan Parry]] has demonstrated that Mauss was arguing that the concept of a "pure gift" given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well-developed market [[ideology]].<ref name="Parry 1986 453–73"/>
In the 1920s and later, Malinowski's study became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of The Gift (Essai sur le don, 1925). Malinowski emphasized the exchange of goods between individuals and their non-altruistic motives for giving: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially referred to as "Indian giving"). In other words, reciprocity is an implicit part of gifting as no "free gift" is given without expectation of reciprocity. In contrast, Mauss has emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities.
He stated that this exchange system was clearly linked to political authority. He argued these gifts were a "total prestation" as they were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but like the "Crown jewels" embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group", such as a line of kings. Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away?" and his answer was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift". A good part of the confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the relationship; and the promise of any future gifts. Based on an improved translate, Jonathan Parry has demonstrated that Mauss was arguing that the concept of a "pure gift" given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well-developed market ideology.
在20世纪20年代及以后，马林诺夫斯基的研究成为了与法国人类学家马塞尔 · 毛斯(Marcel Mauss)辩论的主题，毛斯是《礼物》(The Gift)一书的作者。马林诺夫斯基强调了个人之间的商品交换和他们非利他主义的给予动机: 他们期望获得同等或更大价值的回报(俗称“印度给予”)。换句话说，互惠是礼物的一个隐含部分，因为没有“免费的礼物”是给予没有期望的互惠。相比之下，莫斯强调，礼物不是在个人之间，而是在更大集体的代表之间。他说，这种交换制度显然与政治权威有关。他认为，这些礼物是一种“完全预置”，因为它们不是简单的、可转让的商品，不能买卖，而是像“皇冠上的珠宝”一样，体现了一个“企业亲属团体”的声誉、历史和身份认同感，比如一系列国王。考虑到利害关系，莫斯问道: “为什么会有人把它们送人呢?”他的回答是一个神秘的概念，“礼物的精神”。很大一部分的混乱(以及由此引起的争论)是由于翻译不好造成的。莫斯似乎认为，送礼物是为了维持送礼者之间的关系，如果不送礼物就会结束这种关系，以及未来送礼物的承诺。基于改进的翻译，乔纳森•帕里(Jonathan Parry)证明了莫斯的观点，即“纯粹的礼物”这一概念只有在市场意识形态发达的社会中才会出现。
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, [[Arjun Appadurai]] and others began to look at how objects flowed between these spheres of exchange. They shifted attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange and placed it on "the social life of things" instead. They examined the strategies by which an object could be "[[Commodity pathway diversion|singularized]]" (made unique, special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased [[Wedding ring|ring]] into an irreplaceable family [[heirloom]] is one example whereas the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, Arjun Appadurai and others began to look at how objects flowed between these spheres of exchange. They shifted attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange and placed it on "the social life of things" instead. They examined the strategies by which an object could be "singularized" (made unique, special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family heirloom is one example whereas the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.
Arjun Appadurai 和其他人并没有强调特定物品是礼物还是商品，在受限制的交易领域进行交易，而是开始研究物品如何在这些交易领域之间流动。他们把注意力从通过交换形成的人际关系的性质转移到“事物的社会生活”上。他们研究了一种策略，通过这种策略，一个物体可以被“单一化”(变得独一无二、特殊、独一无二) ，从而从市场中撤出。例如，一场婚礼将购买的戒指变成了不可替代的传家宝，而传家宝反过来又是一份完美的礼物。
=== Mathematical modeling ===
Although [[arithmetic]] has been used since the beginning of civilization to set prices, it was not until the 19th century that data was systematically collected and more advanced mathematical tools began to be used to study markets in the form of [[social statistics]]. [[Business intelligence]] is also dated to 19th century, but it was with the rise of the [[computer]] that [[business analytics]] exploded. More recent techniques involve [[data mining]] and [[marketing engineering]].
Although arithmetic has been used since the beginning of civilization to set prices, it was not until the 19th century that data was systematically collected and more advanced mathematical tools began to be used to study markets in the form of social statistics. Business intelligence is also dated to 19th century, but it was with the rise of the computer that business analytics exploded. More recent techniques involve data mining and marketing engineering.
数学建模虽然自文明开始以来就使用算术来确定价格，但直到19世纪，人们才系统地收集数据，并开始使用更先进的数学工具以社会统计的形式研究市场。商业智能也可以追溯到19世纪，但是随着计算机的兴起，商业分析得到了爆炸性的发展。最近的技术包括数据挖掘和市场营销工程。
==== Size parameters ====
Market size can be given in terms of the number of buyers and sellers in a particular market<ref>[http://www.investorwords.com/6576/market_size.html investorwords.com > market size] Retrieved on April 17, 2010</ref> or in terms of the total exchange of money in the market, generally annually (per year). When given in terms of money, market size is often termed "market value", but in a sense distinct from [[market value]] of individual products. For one and the same goods, there may be different (and generally increasing) market values at the production level, the wholesale level and the retail level. For example, the value of the global illicit drug market for the year 2003 was estimated by the [[United Nations]] to be US$13 billion at the production level, $94 billion at the wholesale level (taking seizures into account) and US$322 billion at the retail level (based on retail prices and taking seizures and other losses into account).<ref>United Nations, "2005 World Drug Report," Office on Drugs and Crime, June 2005, p. 16. [http://www.unodc.org/pdf/WDR_2005/volume_1_web.pdf]</ref>
Market size can be given in terms of the number of buyers and sellers in a particular marketinvestorwords.com > market size Retrieved on April 17, 2010 or in terms of the total exchange of money in the market, generally annually (per year). When given in terms of money, market size is often termed "market value", but in a sense distinct from market value of individual products. For one and the same goods, there may be different (and generally increasing) market values at the production level, the wholesale level and the retail level. For example, the value of the global illicit drug market for the year 2003 was estimated by the United Nations to be US$13 billion at the production level, $94 billion at the wholesale level (taking seizures into account) and US$322 billion at the retail level (based on retail prices and taking seizures and other losses into account).United Nations, "2005 World Drug Report," Office on Drugs and Crime, June 2005, p. 16.
= = = = 规模参数 = = = = = 市场规模可以按个别 marketinvestorwords.com 的买卖双方人数计算，亦可以按市场的货币交易总额计算，一般以每年(每年)计算。当以货币的形式给出时，市场规模通常被称为“市场价值”，但在某种意义上不同于单个产品的市场价值。对于同一种商品，在生产水平、批发水平和零售水平上可能存在不同的市场价值(并且这种价值一般都在增加)。例如，根据联合国的估计，2003年全球非法药物市场的价值在生产一级为130亿美元，在批发一级为940亿美元(考虑到缉获量) ，在零售一级为3,220亿美元(根据零售价格并考虑到缉获量和其他损失)。联合国，《2005年世界毒品报告》 ，毒品和犯罪问题办公室，2005年6月，第16页。
<gallery heights="200" widths="300">
File:Existing Home Sales Chart - Mar 09b.png|United States home sales (blue)
File:2008 UK Book Sales Value.png|Book Sales in the United Kingdom
File:LPO Market Size and Growth.png|Size and growth of the [[legal outsourcing]] market
File:Global Mobile Applications Store Revenue.svg|Global [[Mobile app|mobiles applications]] market size
</gallery>
File:Existing Home Sales Chart - Mar 09b.png|United States home sales (blue)
File:2008 UK Book Sales Value.png|Book Sales in the United Kingdom
File:LPO Market Size and Growth.png|Size and growth of the legal outsourcing market
File:Global Mobile Applications Store Revenue.svg|Global mobiles applications market size
档案: 现有住宅销售图表 -3月09日 b。Png | 美国家庭销售(蓝色)文件: 2008年英国图书销售价值 png | 英国图书销售文件: LPO 市场规模和增长.png | 法律外包市场的规模和增长文件: 全球移动应用商店收入 svg | 全球移动应用市场规模
== See also ==
{{div col|colwidth=15em}}
* [[Grocery store]]
* [[Knowledge market]]
* [[Market economy]]
* [[Market engineering]]
* [[Market information systems]]
* [[Market microstructure]]
* [[Market town]]
* [[Shopper marketing]]
{{div col end}}
* Grocery store
* Knowledge market
* Market economy
* Market engineering
* Market information systems
* Market microstructure
* Market town
* Shopper marketing
= = 参见同样 = =
* 杂货店
* 知识市场
* 市场经济
* 市场工程
* 市场信息系统
* 市场微观结构
* 市场城镇
* 购物者营销
== References ==
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}
== Further reading ==
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* [[Robert Pindyck|Pindyck, Robert S.]] and Daniel L. Rubinfeld, ''Microeconomics'', Prentice Hall 2012.
* [[Robert H. Frank|Frank, Robert H.]], ''Microeconomics and Behavior'', 6th ed., McGraw-Hill/Irwin 2006.
* [[Philip Kotler|Kotler, P.]] and [[Kevin Lane Keller|Keller, K.L.]], ''Marketing Management'', Prentice Hall 2011.
* Baker, Michael J. and Michael Saren, ''Marketing Theory: A Student Text'', Sage 2010. [https://books.google.com/books?id=79d5DYM2vWMC online].
* [[Patrik Aspers|Aspers, Patrik]], ''Markets'', Polity Press 2011. [https://books.google.com/books?id=0OKEa5p8mJ8C online].
* Bauer, Leonard and Herbert Matis (1988) ''From moral to political economy: The Genesis of social sciences'', History of European Ideas 9 (2), 125–143.
* Nathaus, Klaus and David Gilgen (Eds.), ''Change of Markets and Market Societies: Concepts and Case Studies''. [[Historical Social Research]] 36 (3), Special Issue, 2011.
* Pindyck, Robert S. and Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Microeconomics, Prentice Hall 2012.
* Frank, Robert H., Microeconomics and Behavior, 6th ed., McGraw-Hill/Irwin 2006.
* Kotler, P. and Keller, K.L., Marketing Management, Prentice Hall 2011.
* Baker, Michael J. and Michael Saren, Marketing Theory: A Student Text, Sage 2010. online.
* Aspers, Patrik, Markets, Polity Press 2011. online.
* Bauer, Leonard and Herbert Matis (1988) From moral to political economy: The Genesis of social sciences, History of European Ideas 9 (2), 125–143.
* Nathaus, Klaus and David Gilgen (Eds.), Change of Markets and Market Societies: Concepts and Case Studies. Historical Social Research 36 (3), Special Issue, 2011.
= = 延伸阅读 = =
* Pindyck，Robert S. and Daniel L. Rubinfeld，Microeconomics，Prentice Hall 2012。
* Frank，Robert H. ，《微观经济学与行为学》 ，第6版，McGraw-Hill/Irwin 2006。
* Kotler，P. and Keller，K.L. ，Marketing Management，Prentice Hall 2011.
* Baker，Michael J. and Michael Saren，Marketing Theory: A Student Text，Sage 2010. online.
* Aspers，Patrik，Markets，Polity Press 2011. online.鲍尔，伦纳德和赫伯特 · 马蒂斯(1988)从道德经济学到政治经济学: 社会科学的起源，欧洲思想史9(2) ，125-143。
* Nathaus，Klaus and David Gilgen (Eds.)、市场和市场社会的变化: 概念和案例研究。历史社会研究36(3) ，特刊，2011年。
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[[Category:Market (economics)| ]]
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