邓巴数

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Dunbar's number is a suggested cognitive limit to the number of people with whom one can maintain stable social relationships—relationships in which an individual knows who each person is and how each person relates to every other person.[1][2] This number was first proposed in the 1990s by British anthropologist Robin Dunbar, who found a correlation between primate brain size and average social group size.[3] By using the average human brain size and extrapolating from the results of primates, he proposed that humans can comfortably maintain 150 stable relationships.[4] Dunbar explained it informally as "the number of people you would not feel embarrassed about joining uninvited for a drink if you happened to bump into them in a bar".[5]

Dunbar's number is a suggested cognitive limit to the number of people with whom one can maintain stable social relationships—relationships in which an individual knows who each person is and how each person relates to every other person. This number was first proposed in the 1990s by British anthropologist Robin Dunbar, who found a correlation between primate brain size and average social group size. （加了一句话By using the average human brain size and extrapolating from the results of primates, he proposed that humans can comfortably maintain 150 stable relationships.[4]。）Dunbar explained it informally as "the number of people you would not feel embarrassed about joining uninvited for a drink if you happened to bump into them in a bar".

邓巴数Dunbar's number是一个建议的认知极限，即一个人可以与多少人保持稳定的社会关系，在这种关系中，这个人知道每个人是谁，以及每个人与其他人的关系如何。邓巴数最早是在20世纪90年代由英国人类学家罗宾·邓巴 Robin Dunbar 提出的，他发现了灵长类动物大脑体积与平均社群大小之间存在相关性。通过人类大脑的平均大小，并从灵长类动物的研究结果推断，他提出人类可以轻松地与150个人保持稳定的人际关系。邓巴通俗地将其解释为“如果你碰巧在酒吧遇见了那些不请自来要和你一起喝酒的人，你也不会感到尴尬的人数。”


Proponents assert that numbers larger than this generally require more restrictive rules, laws, and enforced norms to maintain a stable, cohesive group. It has been proposed to lie between 100 and 250, with a commonly used value of 150.[6][7] Dunbar's number states the number of people one knows and keeps social contact with, and it does not include the number of people known personally with a ceased social relationship, nor people just generally known with a lack of persistent social relationship, a number which might be much higher and likely depends on long-term memory size.

Proponents assert that numbers larger than this generally require more restrictive rules, laws, and enforced norms to maintain a stable, cohesive group. It has been proposed to lie between 100 and 250, with a commonly used value of 150. Dunbar's number states the number of people one knows and keeps social contact with, and it does not include the number of people known personally with a ceased social relationship, nor people just generally known with a lack of persistent social relationship, a number which might be much higher and likely depends on long-term memory size.

支持者声称，超过邓巴数的社会关系通常需要更严格的规则、法律和强制性的规范来维持一个稳定团结的群体。建议这一数值在100到250之间，通常使用的值为150。邓巴数表示的是一个人认识并保持社交联系的人数，它不包括认识但社会关系已经中断的人数，也不包括缺乏持续性社会关系的泛泛之交。因为如果将后两者也算进来，这个数字可能要高出很多，同时这也很可能取决于人长期记忆的跨度。


Dunbar theorised that "this limit is a direct function of relative neocortex size, and that this in turn limits group size [...] the limit imposed by neocortical processing capacity is simply on the number of individuals with whom a stable inter-personal relationship can be maintained". On the periphery, the number also includes past colleagues, such as high school friends, with whom a person would want to reacquaint himself or herself if they met again.[8]

Dunbar theorised that "this limit is a direct function of relative neocortex size, and that this in turn limits group size [...] the limit imposed by neocortical processing capacity is simply on the number of individuals with whom a stable inter-personal relationship can be maintained". On the periphery, the number also includes past colleagues, such as high school friends, with whom a person would want to reacquaint himself or herself if they met again.

邓巴的理论认为，“这个极限是相对大脑新皮层大小的直接函数，而反过来它又限制了群体的规模。受大脑新皮层处理能力影响的极限仅针对能够与之保持稳定人际关系的个体数量。”展开来看，这个数字还包括曾经的同事，比如再次见面后会想要重新认识的高中时期的朋友。


Research background 研究背景

Primatologists have noted that, due to their highly social nature, primates must maintain personal contact with the other members of their social group, usually through social grooming. Such social groups function as protective cliques within the physical groups in which the primates live. The number of social group members a primate can track appears to be limited by the volume of the neocortex. This suggests that there is a species-specific index of the social group size, computable from the species' mean neocortical volume.[citation needed]

Primatologists have noted that, due to their highly social nature, primates must maintain personal contact with the other members of their social group, usually through social grooming. Such social groups function as protective cliques within the physical groups in which the primates live. The number of social group members a primate can track appears to be limited by the volume of the neocortex. This suggests that there is a species-specific index of the social group size, computable from the species' mean neocortical volume.

灵长类动物学家注意到，由于灵长类动物具有高度的社会性，它们必须通过社会化理毛来保持与社交团体中其他成员的个人联系。这些社交团体在灵长类动物生存的物理群体中起保护作用。灵长类动物可以追踪到的社交团体成员的数量，似乎受到新皮层体积的限制。这表明，社会群体的规模有一个特定于物种的指数，可以根据该物种的平均新皮层体积来计算。


In 1992,[1] Dunbar used the correlation observed for non-human primates to predict a social group size for humans. Using a regression equation on data for 38 primate genera, Dunbar predicted a human "mean group size" of 148 (casually rounded to 150), a result he considered exploratory due to the large error measure (a 95% confidence interval of 100 to 230).[1]

In 1992, Dunbar used the correlation observed for non-human primates to predict a social group size for humans. Using a regression equation on data for 38 primate genera, Dunbar predicted a human "mean group size" of 148 (casually rounded to 150), a result he considered exploratory due to the large error measure (a 95% confidence interval of 100 to 230).

1992年，邓巴利用观察到的非人灵长类动物的相关数据来预测人类的社会群体规模。利用38个灵长类属的数据回归方程，邓巴预测人类的“平均群体大小”为148人(四舍五入为150人) ，由于误差较大(95% 置信区间为100到230)，邓巴认为这是一个探索性的结果。


Dunbar then compared this prediction with observable group sizes for humans. Beginning with the assumption that the current mean size of the human neocortex had developed about 250,000 years ago, during the Pleistocene, Dunbar searched the anthropological and ethnographical literature for census-like group size information for various hunter–gatherer societies, the closest existing approximations to how anthropology reconstructs the Pleistocene societies. Dunbar noted that the groups fell into three categories—small, medium and large, equivalent to bands, cultural lineage groups and tribes—with respective size ranges of 30–50, 100–200 and 500–2500 members each.[citation needed]

Dunbar then compared this prediction with observable group sizes for humans. Beginning with the assumption that the current mean size of the human neocortex had developed about 250,000 years ago, during the Pleistocene, Dunbar searched the anthropological and ethnographical literature for census-like group size information for various hunter–gatherer societies, the closest existing approximations to how anthropology reconstructs the Pleistocene societies. Dunbar noted that the groups fell into three categories—small, medium and large, equivalent to bands, cultural lineage groups and tribes—with respective size ranges of 30–50, 100–200 and 500–2500 members each.

邓巴随后将这一预测与可观察到的人类群体规模进行了比较。首先假设人类大脑新皮层的平均大小是在大约25万年前的更新世时期形成的，邓巴在人类学和人种学文献中搜索了各种狩猎采集社会的类似人口普查的群体规模信息，这是现存最接近人类学如何重建更新世社会的方式。邓巴指出，这些族群分为三类，即小型、中型和大型，相当于族群、文化宗族和部落，各自的规模分别为30-50人、100-200人和500-2500人。


Dunbar's surveys of village and tribe sizes also appeared to approximate this predicted value, including 150 as the estimated size of a Neolithic farming village; 150 as the splitting point of Hutterite settlements; 200 as the upper bound on the number of academics in a discipline's sub-specialisation; 150 as the basic unit size of professional armies in Roman antiquity and in modern times since the 16th century; and notions of appropriate company size.[citation needed]

Dunbar's surveys of village and tribe sizes also appeared to approximate this predicted value, including 150 as the estimated size of a Neolithic farming village; 150 as the splitting point of Hutterite settlements; 200 as the upper bound on the number of academics in a discipline's sub-specialisation; 150 as the basic unit size of professional armies in Roman antiquity and in modern times since the 16th century; and notions of appropriate company size.

邓巴对村庄和部落规模的调查似乎也接近于这个预测值，其中包括新石器时代农庄的估计规模150人；哈特教派信徒定居地的分裂点150人；学科亚专业学者的人数上限200人；古罗马和16世纪之后的现代专业部队的基本单位规模150人；以及一个恰当的公司人数规模。


Dunbar has argued that 150 would be the mean group size only for communities with a very high incentive to remain together. For a group of this size to remain cohesive, Dunbar speculated that as much as 42% of the group's time would have to be devoted to social grooming. Correspondingly, only groups under intense survival pressure,[citation needed] such as subsistence villages, nomadic tribes, and historical military groupings, have, on average, achieved the 150-member mark. Moreover, Dunbar noted that such groups are almost always physically close: "[...] we might expect the upper limit on group size to depend on the degree of social dispersal. In dispersed societies, individuals will meet less often and will thus be less familiar with each other, so group sizes should be smaller in consequence." Thus, the 150-member group would occur only because of absolute necessity—due to intense environmental and economic pressures.

Dunbar has argued that 150 would be the mean group size only for communities with a very high incentive to remain together. For a group of this size to remain cohesive, Dunbar speculated that as much as 42% of the group's time would have to be devoted to social grooming. Correspondingly, only groups under intense survival pressure, such as subsistence villages, nomadic tribes, and historical military groupings, have, on average, achieved the 150-member mark. Moreover, Dunbar noted that such groups are almost always physically close: "[...] we might expect the upper limit on group size to depend on the degree of social dispersal. In dispersed societies, individuals will meet less often and will thus be less familiar with each other, so group sizes should be smaller in consequence." Thus, the 150-member group would occur only because of absolute necessity—due to intense environmental and economic pressures.

邓巴认为，只有对那些有很高动机保持团结的社群来说，平均群体规模才会是150人。邓巴推测，为了使这种规模的团队保持凝聚力，他们用于社交梳理的时间要高达42％。相应地，只有生存压力很大的团体，例如勉强糊口的村庄，游牧部落和历史军事团体，平均才能达到150人的标准。此外，邓巴指出，这类群体几乎总是物理上接近：“[...]我们可能认为群体规模的上限取决于社会分散的程度。在分散的社会中，个人见面的频率会降低，彼此间因而变得生疏，因此群体规模也应该相应缩小。”因此，由150名成员组成的团体之所以会出现，是由于环境和经济的巨大压力造成的绝对必要性。


Dunbar, in Grooming, Gossip, and the Evolution of Language, proposes furthermore that language may have arisen as a "cheap" means of social grooming, allowing early humans to maintain social cohesion efficiently. Without language, Dunbar speculates, humans would have to expend nearly half their time on social grooming, which would have made productive, cooperative effort nearly impossible. Language may have allowed societies to remain cohesive, while reducing the need for physical and social intimacy.[9][10] This result is confirmed by the mathematical formulation of the social brain hypothesis, that showed that it is unlikely that increased brain size would have led to large groups without the kind of complex communication that only language allows.[11]

Dunbar, in Grooming, Gossip, and the Evolution of Language, proposes furthermore that language may have arisen as a "cheap" means of social grooming, allowing early humans to maintain social cohesion efficiently. Without language, Dunbar speculates, humans would have to expend nearly half their time on social grooming, which would have made productive, cooperative effort nearly impossible. Language may have allowed societies to remain cohesive, while reducing the need for physical and social intimacy. This result is confirmed by the mathematical formulation of the social brain hypothesis, that showed that it is unlikely that increased brain size would have led to large groups without the kind of complex communication that only language allows.

邓巴在《梳毛、八卦及语言的进化 Grooming, Gossip, and the Evolution of Language》一书中进一步提出，语言可能是作为社会化理毛的“廉价”替代方式而出现的，使得早期人类能够有效地保持社交凝聚力。邓巴推测，如果没有语言，人类将不得不花费近一半的时间用于社会化理毛，这将使富有成效的合作努力几乎成为不可能。语言可以使社会保持凝聚力，同时减少对身体和社会亲密关系的需求。社会大脑假说的数学表述证实了这一结果，该理论表明，如果没有语言所允许的那种复杂交流，仅增加大脑的尺寸不可能导致大型群体的形成。

Applications 应用

Dunbar's number has become of interest in anthropology, evolutionary psychology,[12] statistics, and business management. For example, developers of social software are interested in it, as they need to know the size of social networks their software needs to take into account; and in the modern military, operational psychologists seek such data to support or refute policies related to maintaining or improving unit cohesion and morale. A recent study has suggested that Dunbar's number is applicable to online social networks引用错误：没有找到与</ref>对应的<ref>标签 Participants of the European career-oriented online social network XING who have about 157 contacts reported the highest level of job offer success, which also supports Dunbar’s number of about 150.引用错误：没有找到与</ref>对应的<ref>标签[13]


邓巴数已经引起人类学、进化心理学、统计学和企业管理学的关注。例如，社交软件的开发人员对此很感兴趣，因为他们需要了解其软件要考虑到的社交网络规模；在现代军事中，作战心理学家则寻求此类数据，来支持或反驳关于维持或提高部队凝聚力和士气的政策。最近的一项研究表明，邓巴数适用于在线社交网络。在欧洲职业导向型在线社交网络XING上，当参与者有约157位联系人时，他们获得工作机会的成功率最高，这也进一步支持了邓巴数的150定律。



There are discussions in articles and books, of the possible application of using Dunbar's number for analyzing distributed, dynamic - terrorist networks, cybercrime networks, or networks preaching criminal ideology.

在一些文章和书籍中都讨论了使用邓巴数来分析分布式、动态恐怖网络，网络犯罪或宣扬犯罪意识形态的网络。

Reactions 反响

Alternative numbers 其他社会关系极限数

Anthropologist H. Russell Bernard, Peter Killworth and associates have done a variety of field studies in the United States that came up with an estimated mean number of ties, 290, which is roughly double Dunbar's estimate. The Bernard–Killworth median of 231 is lower, due to an upward skew in the distribution, but still appreciably larger than Dunbar's estimate. The Bernard–Killworth estimate of the maximum likelihood of the size of a person's social network is based on a number of field studies using different methods in various populations. It is not an average of study averages but a repeated finding.[14][15][16] Nevertheless, the Bernard–Killworth number has not been popularized as widely as Dunbar's.

Anthropologist H. Russell Bernard, Peter Killworth and associates have done a variety of field studies in the United States that came up with an estimated mean number of ties, 290, which is roughly double Dunbar's estimate. The Bernard–Killworth median of 231 is lower, due to an upward skew in the distribution, but still appreciably larger than Dunbar's estimate. The Bernard–Killworth estimate of the maximum likelihood of the size of a person's social network is based on a number of field studies using different methods in various populations. It is not an average of study averages but a repeated finding. Nevertheless, the Bernard–Killworth number has not been popularized as widely as Dunbar's.

人类学家拉塞尔·伯纳德H. Russell Bernard，彼得·基尔沃思Peter Killworth及其同事在美国进行了各种田野调查，得出的社会平均关系数为290，约为邓巴估计值的两倍。由于分布向上倾斜，伯纳德-基尔沃思Bernard-Killworth的中位数为231，这一数值较低，但仍大大高于邓巴的估计值。伯纳德-基尔沃思对一个人的社交网络规模最大可能值的估计，是基于在不同人群中使用不同方法进行的大量实地研究。它不是研究均值的平均值，而是重复出现的结果。然而，伯纳德-基尔沃思数还没有像邓巴数那样广泛普及。

Criticism 评论

Philip Lieberman argues that since band societies of approximately 30–50 people are bounded by nutritional limitations to what group sizes can be fed without at least rudimentary agriculture, big human brains consuming more nutrients than ape brains, group sizes of approximately 150 cannot have been selected for in paleolithic humans.[17] 模板:Dubious Brains much smaller than human or even mammalian brains are also known to be able to support social relationships, including social insects with hierarchies where each individual "knows" its place (such as the paper wasp with its societies of approximately 80 individuals [18]) and computer-simulated virtual autonomous agents with simple reaction programming emulating what is referred to in primatology as "ape politics".[19]

Philip Lieberman argues that since band societies of approximately 30–50 people are bounded by nutritional limitations to what group sizes can be fed without at least rudimentary agriculture, big human brains consuming more nutrients than ape brains, group sizes of approximately 150 cannot have been selected for in paleolithic humans. Brains much smaller than human or even mammalian brains are also known to be able to support social relationships, including social insects with hierarchies where each individual "knows" its place (such as the paper wasp with its societies of approximately 80 individuals ) and computer-simulated virtual autonomous agents with simple reaction programming emulating what is referred to in primatology as "ape politics".

菲利普·利伯曼Philip Lieberman认为，在没有最基本农业发展的情况下，社会群体会因为营养供给的限制而导致规模上受到制约，大约在30至50人。人类的大脑相比较猿类会消耗更多的营养，因此，约150人的群体规模在旧石器时代的人类范围内是不可能达到的。比人类甚至哺乳动物都要小得多的大脑也被认为能够支持社会关系，包括具有等级制度的社交昆虫，每个个体都“知道”自己的位置（例如大约由80只个体组成的胡蜂集群）以及计算机模拟的虚拟自治代理程序，它们具有简单的反应程序来仿效灵长类学中所称的“猿政治”。

Comparisons of primate species show that what appears to be a link between group size and brain size, and also what species do not fit such a correlation, is explainable by diet. Many primates that eat specialized diets that rely on scarce food have evolved small brains to conserve nutrients and are limited to living in small groups or even alone, and they lower average brain size for solitary or small group primates. Small-brained species of primate that are living in large groups are successfully predicted by diet theory to be the species that eat food that is abundant but not very nutritious. Along with the existence of complex deception in small-brained primates in large groups with the opportunity (both abundant food eaters in their natural environments and originally solitary species that adopted social lifestyles under artificial food abundances), this is cited as evidence against the model of social groups selecting for large brains and/or intelligence.[20]

Comparisons of primate species show that what appears to be a link between group size and brain size, and also what species do not fit such a correlation, is explainable by diet. Many primates that eat specialized diets that rely on scarce food have evolved small brains to conserve nutrients and are limited to living in small groups or even alone, and they lower average brain size for solitary or small group primates. Small-brained species of primate that are living in large groups are successfully predicted by diet theory to be the species that eat food that is abundant but not very nutritious. Along with the existence of complex deception in small-brained primates in large groups with the opportunity (both abundant food eaters in their natural environments and originally solitary species that adopted social lifestyles under artificial food abundances), this is cited as evidence against the model of social groups selecting for large brains and/or intelligence.

从对灵长类物种的比较中发现，饮食似乎可以解释群体规模和大脑体积之间的联系，以及哪些物种不符合这种相关性。许多依赖稀缺食物的灵长类动物已经进化出较小的大脑来保存营养，它们只能生存在小群体中，甚至是单独生活，它们降低了独居或小群体灵长类动物的平均脑容量。饮食理论还成功预测了生活在大群体中的脑容量较小的灵长类动物会选择食用丰富但营养价值不高的食物。在大规模群体中，脑容量较小的灵长类动物中有机会出现复杂的欺骗行为（既包括自然环境中的拥有丰富资源的觅食者，又有在人工食物丰富的情况下采用了社会生活方式的原始独居者），对于社会群体选择进化更大的脑容量和/或更高智商的典型推论，该现象提供了有力的反驳证据。

Popularisation 普及化

  • Malcolm Gladwell discusses the Dunbar number in his popular 2000 book The Tipping Point. Gladwell describes the company W. L. Gore and Associates, now known for the Gore-Tex brand. By trial and error, the leadership in the company discovered that if more than 150 employees were working together in one building, different social problems could occur. The company started building company buildings with a limit of 150 employees and only 150 parking spaces. When the parking spaces were filled, the company would build another 150-employee building. Sometimes these buildings would be placed only short distances apart. The company is also known for the open allocation company structure.

• 马尔科姆·格拉德威尔Malcolm Gladwell在他2000年出版的畅销书《引爆点》中讨论了邓巴数。格拉德威尔描述了现在以戈尔特斯Gore-Tex品牌闻名的戈尔公司W. L. Gore and Associates通过反复试验，公司领导层发现，如果一栋大楼中有超过150名员工一起工作，可能会发生不同的社交问题。该公司开始建造仅能容纳150名员工且仅有150个停车位的公司大楼。当停车位占满后，公司会再建一栋可容纳150名员工的大楼。有时，这些大楼之间的距离相隔很近。该公司还因开放式配置的公司结构而闻名。


• 邓巴数被用于研究虚拟社区，尤其是如网络创世纪Ultima Online这样的大型多人在线角色扮演游戏，以及社交网站，例如Facebook（邓巴本人于2010年在Facebook上进行了一项研究）和MySpace。


  • The Swedish tax authority planned to reorganise its functions in 2007 with a maximum 150 employees per office, referring to Dunbar's research.[23]

• 瑞典税务机关计划参考邓巴的研究，于2007年重组其职能，每个部门最多150名员工。


  • In 2007, Cracked.com editor David Wong wrote a humour piece titled "What is the Monkeysphere?" explaining Dunbar's number.[24]

• 2007年，Cracked.com的编辑王大卫（音译）David Wong撰写了一篇题为“什么是猴圈？What is the Monkeysphere?”的幽默文章，解释了邓巴数。


  • In the 2012 novel This Book Is Full of Spiders, also by David Wong, the character Marconi explains to David the impact Dunbar's number has on human society. In Marconi's explanation, the limit Dunbar's number imposes on the individual explains phenomena such as racism and xenophobia, as well as apathy towards the suffering of peoples outside of an individual's community.[25]

• 同样由王大卫（音译）David Wong所著的，于2012年出版的小说《这本书爬满蜘蛛》This Book Is Full of Spiders中，马可尼Marconi向大卫解释了邓巴数对人类社会的影响。在马可尼的解释中，邓巴数施加在个体身上的限制解释了种族主义和仇外心理等现象，以及对个人社群以外的人所遭受的苦难漠不关心的原因。


  • In a piece for the Financial Times (10 Aug 2018), titled 'Why drink is the secret to humanity’s success' Dunbar mentioned two more numbers: an inner core of about 5 people to whom we devote about 40 percent of our available social time and 10 more people to whom we devote another 20 percent. All in all, we devote about two-thirds of our time to just 15 people.[26]

• 在《金融时报》（2018年8月10日）一篇题为“为什么喝酒是人类成功的秘诀？“的文章中，邓巴又提到了两个数字：一个是5，表示5个内部核心人员，我们把40%的可用社交时间花在了他们身上；另一个是10，我们在他们身上会投入另外20％的时间。总而言之，我们把大约三分之二的时间花在了15个人身上。


  • In episode 103 of the podcast Hello Internet (31 May 2018) Brady Haran and CGP Grey discuss the reasons the number may be limited to 150 including the ability to keep track of political relationships in large groups of people and the amount of time that people have to devote towards developing and maintaining friendships.[27]

• 在播客Hello Internet的第103集（2018年5月31日）中，布雷迪·哈兰Brady Haran和CGP Gray讨论了邓巴数限制在150的原因，包括跟踪大型人群中政治关系的能力，以及人们在发展和维持友谊上必须投入的时间。

References

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 Dunbar, R. I. M. (1992). "Neocortex size as a constraint on group size in primates". Journal of Human Evolution. 22 (6): 469–493. doi:10.1016/0047-2484(92)90081-J.
  2. ↑ Gladwell, Malcolm (2000). The Tipping Point – How Little Things Make a Big Difference. Little, Brown and Company. pp. 177–181, 185–186. ISBN 978-0-316-34662-7. https://archive.org/details/tippingpointhowl00glad. 
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 Reisinger, Don (25 January 2010). "Sorry, Facebook friends: Our brains can't keep up". CNET. Retrieved 9 April 2018. Dunbar has now decided to shift focus to see whether Facebook has changed the number.
  4. ↑ Purves, Dale (2008). Principles of Cognitive Neuroscience. Sunderland, Mass.: Sinauer Associates. ISBN 9780878936946. 
  5. ↑ Dunbar, Robin (1998). Grooming, gossip, and the evolution of language (1st Harvard University Press paperback ed.). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 77. ISBN 978-0674363366. https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780674363366. Retrieved 17 December 2016. 
  6. ↑ Hernando, A.; Villuendas, D.; Vesperinas, C.; Abad, M.; Plastino, A. (2009). "Unravelling the size distribution of social groups with information theory on complex networks". Preprint. arXiv:0905.3704. Bibcode:2009arXiv0905.3704H.
  7. ↑ "Don't Believe Facebook; You Only Have 150 Friends". NPR. 4 June 2011.
  8. ↑ Carl Bialik (16 November 2007). "Sorry, You May Have Gone Over Your Limit Of Network Friends". The Wall Street Journal Online. Retrieved 2 December 2007.
  9. ↑ Dunbar, Robin (1998). Grooming, Gossip, and the Evolution of Language. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-36336-6. https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780674363366. 
  10. ↑ Dunbar, Robin (2004), "Gossip in Evolutionary Perspective" (PDF), Review of General Psychology, 8 (2): 100–110, CiteSeerX 10.1.1.530.9865, doi:10.1037/1089-2680.8.2.100, retrieved 24 January 2013
  11. ↑ Dávid-Barrett, T.; Dunbar, R. I. M. (22 August 2013). "Processing power limits social group size: computational evidence for the cognitive costs of sociality". Proc. R. Soc. B (in English). 280 (1765): 20131151. doi:10.1098/rspb.2013.1151. ISSN 0962-8452. PMC 3712454. PMID 23804623.
  12. ↑ Nuno Themudo (23 March 2007). "Virtual Resistance: Internet-mediated Networks (Dotcauses) and Collective Action Against Neoliberalism" (PDF). University of Pittsburgh, University Center for International Studies. Archived from the original (pg. 36) on 9 July 2009. Retrieved 2 December 2007.
  13. ↑ "The optimal size of a terrorist network". March 2004.
  14. ↑ McCarty, C.; Killworth, P. D.; Bernard, H. R.; Johnsen, E.; Shelley, G. (2000). "Comparing Two Methods for Estimating Network Size" (PDF). Human Organization. 60 (1): 28–39. doi:10.17730/humo.60.1.efx5t9gjtgmga73y.
  15. ↑ Bernard, H. R.; Shelley, G. A.; Killworth, P. (1987). "How much of a network does the GSS and RSW dredge up?". Social Networks. 9: 49–61. doi:10.1016/0378-8733(87)90017-7.
  16. ↑ H. Russell Bernard. "Honoring Peter Killworth's contribution to social network theory." Paper presented to the University of Southampton, 28 September 2006. http://nersp.osg.ufl.edu/~ufruss/
  17. ↑ Lieberman, Philip (2013). The Unpredictable Species: What Makes Humans Unique. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691148588. https://archive.org/details/unpredictablespe0000lieb. 
  18. ↑ 模板:Cite episode
  19. ↑ Pfeifer, Rolf; Bongard, Josh (October 2006). How the Body Shapes the Way We Think: A New View of Intelligence. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. ISBN 9780262162395. 
  20. ↑ Alex R. DeCasien, Scott A. Williams & James P. Higham (2017). "Primate brain size is predicted by diet but not sociality"
  21. ↑ "Primates on Facebook". The Economist. 26 February 2009.
  22. ↑ One example is Christopher Allen, "Dunbar, Altruistic Punishment, and Meta-Moderation".
  23. ↑ "Swedish tax collectors organized by apes". The Local – Sweden's news in English. 23 July 2007. Archived from the original on 16 August 2007.
  24. ↑ "What is the Monkeysphere?". 30 September 2007. Retrieved 23 November 2015.
  25. ↑ Wong, David (2012). This Book is Full of Spiders. NY: St. Martin's Press. pp. 295–296. ISBN 978-0312546342. 
  26. ↑ Dunbar, Robin (10 August 2018). "Why drink is the secret to humanity's success". Financial Times.
  27. ↑ "H.I. 103: Don't Read The Comments". Hello Internet (in English). Retrieved 23 December 2018.


Further reading

  • Dunbar, R.I.M. (1993). "Coevolution of neocortical size, group size and language in humans". Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 16 (4): 681–735. doi:10.1017/s0140525x00032325.
  • Sawaguchi, T.; Kudo, H. (1990). "Neocortical development and social structure in primates". Primates. 31 (2): 283–290. doi:10.1007/bf02380949.


External links

• “终极脑筋急转弯” - 利物浦大学研究情报学院


• 邓巴数：团体规模的极限 - 克里斯托弗·艾伦（Christopher Allen）


• 罗宾·邓巴：一个人需要几个朋友？ - Fora.TV talk at the RSA


模板:Sociobiology

Category:Evolutionary psychology

类别: 进化心理学

Category:Interpersonal relationships

类别: 人际关系

Category:Human evolution

分类: 人类进化

Category:Primatology

类别: 灵长类动物学

Category:Sociological theories

范畴: 社会学理论


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