行为经济学

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此词条由嘉树初步翻译,已由和光同尘审校。

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模板:Nudge Theory

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The behavioral economics concept of "nudging" people's behavior and actions is often illustrated with this urinal with a housefly image embossed in the enamel; the image "nudges" users into improving their aim, which lowers cleaning costs.

The behavioral economics concept of "nudging" people's behavior and actions is often illustrated with this urinal with a housefly image embossed in the enamel; the image "nudges" users into improving their aim, which lowers cleaning costs.

助推 nudging人类行为这一行为经济学概念,通常用这个釉面装饰了家蝇图像的小便器来说明; 这个图像可以“助推”使用者优化他们的目标,从而降低清洁成本。

Behavioral economics studies the effects of psychological, cognitive, emotional, cultural and social factors on the decisions of individuals and institutions and how those decisions vary from those implied by classical economic theory.[1][2]

Behavioral economics studies the effects of psychological, cognitive, emotional, cultural and social factors on the decisions of individuals and institutions and how those decisions vary from those implied by classical economic theory[1][2] .

行为经济学Behavioral economics研究心理psychological认知emotional、情感、文化和社会因素如何影响个人和机构的决策,以及这些决策与经典经济理论暗示下产生的决策有怎样的差别。


Behavioral economics is primarily concerned with the bounds of rationality of economic agents. Behavioral models typically integrate insights from psychology, neuroscience and microeconomic theory.[3][4] The study of behavioral economics includes how market decisions are made and the mechanisms that drive public choice. The three prevalent themes in behavioral economics are:模板:Sfn

Behavioral economics is primarily concerned with the bounds of rationality of economic agents. Behavioral models typically integrate insights from psychology, neuroscience and microeconomic theory. The study of behavioral economics includes how market decisions are made and the mechanisms that drive public choice. The three prevalent themes in behavioral economics are:

行为经济学主要研究经济行为主体的理性边界bounded rationality。行为模型通常会整合心理学psychology神经科学neuroscience微观经济学理论microeconomic theory的观点[5][4]。行为经济学研究包括市场决策market decisions是如何做出的,以及驱动公共选择public choice的机制。行为经济学中三个流行的主题是:模板:Sfn

  • Framing: The collection of anecdotes and stereotypes that make up the mental filters individuals rely on to understand and respond to events.
  • 判断和决策的启发式Heuristics in judgment and decision making:人类95% 的决策都是通过思维捷径mental shortcuts或依据经验法则rules of thumb做出的[citation needed]
  • 框架效应Framing: 由轶事奇闻anecdote刻板印象stereotype构成的心理过滤器mental filters是人们理解和应对事件的依仗。


  • 市场异象Market anomaly:包括价格机制price mechanism理性rationality

In 2002, psychologist Daniel Kahneman was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences "for having integrated insights from psychological research into economic science, especially concerning human judgment and decision-making under uncertainty."[6] In 2013, economist Robert J. Shiller received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences "for his empirical analysis of asset prices" (within the field of behavioral finance).[7] In 2017, economist Richard Thaler was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for "his contributions to behavioral economics and his pioneering work in establishing that people are predictably irrational in ways that defy economic theory."[8][9]

In 2002, psychologist Daniel Kahneman was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences "for having integrated insights from psychological research into economic science, especially concerning human judgment and decision-making under uncertainty." In 2013, economist Robert J. Shiller received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences "for his empirical analysis of asset prices" (within the field of behavioral finance). In 2017, economist Richard Thaler was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for "his contributions to behavioral economics and his pioneering work in establishing that people are predictably irrational in ways that defy economic theory."

2002年,心理学家丹尼尔 · 卡尼曼 Daniel Kahneman被授予诺贝尔经济学奖,“因为他将心理学研究的成果整合到经济科学中,特别是关于不确定条件下人类的判断和决策[6]。”2013年,经济学家罗伯特·希勒 Robert J. Shiller因“对资产价格的实证分析”(属于金融学领域)而获得诺贝尔经济学奖[10]。2017年经济学家理查德·泰勒 Richard Thaler因为他“对行为经济学的贡献,以及他在不符合经济学原理的人类可预测性非理性行为方面的开创性工作”而被授予诺贝尔经济学奖[11][12]


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History 历史

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Adam Smith, author of The Wealth of Nations (1776) and The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759).

Adam Smith, author of The Wealth of Nations (1776) and The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759).

[亚当·斯密Adam Smith,《国富论The Wealth of Nations》(1776)和《道德情操论The Theory of Moral Sentiments》(1759)的作者]


During the classical period of economics, microeconomics was closely linked to psychology. For example, Adam Smith wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments, which proposed psychological explanations of individual behavior, including concerns about fairness and justice.[13] Jeremy Bentham wrote extensively on the psychological underpinnings of utility. Then, during the development of neo-classical economics, economists sought to reshape the discipline as a natural science, deducing behavior from assumptions about the nature of economic agents. They developed the concept of homo economicus, whose behavior was fundamentally rational.

During the classical period of economics, microeconomics was closely linked to psychology. For example, Adam Smith wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments, which proposed psychological explanations of individual behavior, including concerns about fairness and justice. Jeremy Bentham wrote extensively on the psychological underpinnings of utility. Then, during the development of neo-classical economics, economists sought to reshape the discipline as a natural science, deducing behavior from assumptions about the nature of economic agents. They developed the concept of homo economicus, whose behavior was fundamentally rational.

古典经济学classical economice时期,微观经济学与心理学有着密切的联系。例如,Adam Smith的《道德情操论》提出了个人行为的心理学解释,包括一些对公平和正义的想法[14]。杰里米·边沁 Jeremy Bentham写了大量文章来讨论效用utility的心理学基础。然后,在新古典主义经济学neo-classical economics的发展过程中,通过对经济行为主体性质的假设assumptions来推断行为,经济学家试图将该学科重塑为一门自然科学,即通过对经济行为主体性质的假设assumptions来推断主体行为。他们提出了经济人homo economicus的概念——经济人的行为基本上是理性的。


Neo-classical economists did incorporate psychological explanations: this was true of Francis Edgeworth, Vilfredo Pareto and Irving Fisher. Economic psychology emerged in the 20th century in the works of Gabriel Tarde,[15] George Katona,[16] and Laszlo Garai.[17] Expected utility and discounted utility models began to gain acceptance, generating testable hypotheses about decision-making given uncertainty and intertemporal consumption, respectively. Observed and repeatable anomalies eventually challenged those hypotheses, and further steps were taken by Maurice Allais, for example, in setting out the Allais paradox, a decision problem he first presented in 1953 that contradicts the expected utility hypothesis.

Neo-classical economists did incorporate psychological explanations: this was true of Francis Edgeworth, Vilfredo Pareto and Irving Fisher. Economic psychology emerged in the 20th century in the works of Gabriel Tarde, George Katona, and Laszlo Garai. Expected utility and discounted utility models began to gain acceptance, generating testable hypotheses about decision-making given uncertainty and intertemporal consumption, respectively. Observed and repeatable anomalies eventually challenged those hypotheses, and further steps were taken by Maurice Allais, for example, in setting out the Allais paradox, a decision problem he first presented in 1953 that contradicts the expected utility hypothesis.

新古典主义经济学家的确纳入了心理学的解释:埃奇沃斯Francis Edgeworth、帕累托Vilfredo Pareto和费舍Irving Fisher就是如此。经济心理学Economic psychology在20世纪加布里埃尔·塔德 Gabriel Tarde[18],乔治·卡托纳 George Katona[16]和拉斯洛·加莱 Laszlo Garai[17]的著作中出现。期望效用模型Expected utility models折扣效用模型discounted utility models开始被接受,在存在不确定性uncertainty跨期消费intertemporal consumption的情况下生成有关决策的假设。然而一些人们观察到的、频繁重复的异常情况最终挑战了这些假说。研究者为此采取了进一步的步骤。例如,莫里斯•阿莱Maurice Allais设定了阿莱悖论Allais paradox。Allais在1953年第一次提出这个决策问题,并用以反对期望效用假说。



In the 1960s cognitive psychology began to shed more light on the brain as an information processing device (in contrast to behaviorist models). Psychologists in this field, such as Ward Edwards,[19] Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman began to compare their cognitive models of decision-making under risk and uncertainty to economic models of rational behavior. Mathematical psychology reflects a longstanding interest in preference transitivity and the measurement of utility.模板:Sfn

In the 1960s cognitive psychology began to shed more light on the brain as an information processing device (in contrast to behaviorist models). Psychologists in this field, such as Ward Edwards, Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman began to compare their cognitive models of decision-making under risk and uncertainty to economic models of rational behavior. Mathematical psychology reflects a longstanding interest in preference transitivity and the measurement of utility.

在20世纪60年代,认知心理学cognitive psychology开始给予大脑这一信息处理设备(与行为主义模型相对)更多的关注。这一领域的心理学家,如爱德华兹Ward Edwards,[19]、阿莫斯 · 特沃斯基Amos Tversky和Daniel Kahneman开始将在一定风险性和不确定性下做决策的认知模型与理性行为的经济模型进行比较。数学心理学Mathematical psychology反映了长期以来研究者对偏好传递性preference transitivity效用度量measurement of utility的兴趣模板:Sfn


Bounded rationality 有限理性

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Herbert A. Simon, winner of the 1975 Turing award and the 1978 Nobel Prize in economics

Herbert A. Simon, winner of the 1975 Turing award and the 1978 Nobel Prize in economics

赫伯特·西蒙Herbert A. Simon,1975年图灵奖和1978年诺贝尔经济学奖得主

Bounded rationality is the idea that when individuals make decisions, their rationality is limited by the tractability of the decision problem, their cognitive limitations and the time available. Decision-makers in this view act as satisficers, seeking a satisfactory solution rather than an optimal one. Herbert A. Simon proposed bounded rationality as an alternative basis for the mathematical modeling of decision-making. It complements "rationality as optimization", which views decision-making as a fully rational process of finding an optimal choice given the information available.[20] Simon used the analogy of a pair of scissors, where one blade represents human cognitive limitations and the other the "structures of the environment", illustrating how minds compensate for limited resources by exploiting known structural regularity in the environment.[20]

Bounded rationality is the idea that when individuals make decisions, their rationality is limited by the tractability of the decision problem, their cognitive limitations and the time available. Decision-makers in this view act as satisficers, seeking a satisfactory solution rather than an optimal one. Herbert A. Simon proposed bounded rationality as an alternative basis for the mathematical modeling of decision-making. It complements "rationality as optimization", which views decision-making as a fully rational process of finding an optimal choice given the information available. Simon used the analogy of a pair of scissors, where one blade represents human cognitive limitations and the other the "structures of the environment", illustrating how minds compensate for limited resources by exploiting known structural regularity in the environment.

有限理性Bounded rationality是指,当个体做出决策时,他们的理性受限于决策问题的可操作性、自身认知的局限性和时间。这种观点认为,决策者像满意者satisficers一样寻求一个令自己满意的解决方案,而不是寻求最佳的解决方案。Herbert A. Simon提出以有限理性为基础替代传统的决策数学模型,补充了“理性即优化”(即决策是一个完全理性的,基于已有信息获取最佳选择的过程)的观点[20]。Simon用一把剪刀做类比。剪刀的一个刀片代表人类认知的局限性,另一个刀片代表” 环境结构structures of the environment” ,以此来说明人类思维是如何利用已知的环境结构规律来弥补资源有限这一问题的[20]




Bounded rationality implicates the idea that humans take shortcuts that may lead to suboptimal decision-making. Behavioral economists engage in mapping the decision shortcuts that agents use in order to help increase the effectiveness of human decision-making. One treatment of this idea comes from Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler's Nudge.[21][22] Sunstein and Thaler recommend that choice architectures are modified in light of human agents' bounded rationality. A widely cited proposal from Sunstein and Thaler urges that healthier food be placed at sight level in order to increase the likelihood that a person will opt for that choice instead of less healthy option. Some critics of Nudge have lodged attacks that modifying choice architectures will lead to people becoming worse decision-makers.[23][24]

Bounded rationality implicates the idea that humans take shortcuts that may lead to suboptimal decision-making. Behavioral economists engage in mapping the decision shortcuts that agents use in order to help increase the effectiveness of human decision-making. One treatment of this idea comes from Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler's Nudge. Sunstein and Thaler recommend that choice architectures are modified in light of human agents' bounded rationality. A widely cited proposal from Sunstein and Thaler urges that healthier food be placed at sight level in order to increase the likelihood that a person will opt for that choice instead of less healthy option. Some critics of Nudge have lodged attacks that modifying choice architectures will lead to people becoming worse decision-makers.

有限理性意味着,走捷径的策略可能导致人们做出次优决策。行为经济学家从事主体决策捷径的绘制工作,以帮助人们提高决策的有效性。关于这个观点的一种论述来自卡斯 · 桑斯坦Cass Sunstein和Richard Thaler的《“助推”Nudge》一书[21][25]。Sunstein和Thaler建议,选项结构choice architectures应该根据人类的有限理性进行修改。Sunstein和Thaler提出的一个被广泛引用的建议是,为了增加人们选择健康食品而不是不健康食品的可能性,应该把健康食品放在人们的视线范围内。一些对《助推》持批评态度的人则指出,修改选项结构将导致人们成为更糟糕的决策者[26][27]

Prospect theory 前景理论

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Daniel Kahneman, winner of the 2002 Nobel Prize in economics

Daniel Kahneman, winner of the 2002 Nobel Prize in economics

[Daniel Kahneman,2002年诺贝尔经济学奖得主]

In 1979, Kahneman and Tversky published Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision Under Risk, that used cognitive psychology to explain various divergences of economic decision making from neo-classical theory.模板:Sfn Prospect theory has two stages: an editing stage and an evaluation stage.

In 1979, Kahneman and Tversky published Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision Under Risk, that used cognitive psychology to explain various divergences of economic decision making from neo-classical theory. Prospect theory has two stages: an editing stage and an evaluation stage.

1979年,Kahneman和Tversky发表了《前景理论: 风险下的决策分析Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision Under Risk》一文,该文利用认知心理学解读了新古典主义经济决策理论中的多种分歧。前景理论 Prospect theory 分为两个阶段:编辑阶段editing stage评估阶段evaluation stage


In the editing stage, risky situations are simplified using various heuristics. In the evaluation phase, risky alternatives are evaluated using various psychological principles that include:

In the editing stage, risky situations are simplified using various heuristics. In the evaluation phase, risky alternatives are evaluated using various psychological principles that include:

在编辑阶段,人们使用各种启发式简化风险情况。在评估阶段,人们利用各种心理学原则对风险选项进行评估,这些原则中包括:


  • Reference dependence: When evaluating outcomes, the decision maker considers a "reference level." Outcomes are then compared to the reference point and classified as "gains" if greater than the reference point and "losses" if less than the reference point.
  • 参考依赖Reference dependence:评估结果时,决策者会确定一个“参考水平”,然后将结果与参考点进行比较。如果结果大于参考点则归类为”收益” ,如果小于参考点则为”损失”。
  • Loss aversion: Losses are avoided more than equivalent gains are sought. In their 1992 paper, Kahneman and Tversky found the median coefficient of loss aversion to be about 2.25, i.e., losses hurt about 2.25 times more than equivalent gains reward.[28]

损失厌恶Loss aversion:相比追求等价的收益,人们更倾向于规避损失。在1992年的论文中,Kahneman和Tversky发现损失厌恶系数的中位数大约是2.25。也就是说,损失造成的伤害是同等收益的2.25倍[28]

  • Non-linear probability weighting: Decision makers overweigh small probabilities and underweigh large probabilities—this gives rise to the inverse-S shaped "probability weighting function."
  • 非线性概率加权:决策者重小概率而轻大概率——这就产生了反 S 型的“概率加权函数probability weighting function”。
  • Diminishing sensitivity to gains and losses: As the size of the gains and losses relative to the reference point increase in absolute value, the marginal effect on the decision maker's utility or satisfaction falls.
  • 对收益和损失的敏感度sensitivity递减:当收益和损失的大小相对于参考点的绝对值增加时,对决策者的效用或满意度产生影响的边际效用marginal utility就会减弱。


Prospect theory is able to explain everything that the two main existing decision theories—expected utility theory and rank dependent utility theory—can explain. Further, prospect theory has been used to explain phenomena that existing decision theories have great difficulty in explaining. These include backward bending labor supply curves, asymmetric price elasticities, tax evasion and co-movement of stock prices and consumption.

Prospect theory is able to explain everything that the two main existing decision theories—expected utility theory and rank dependent utility theory—can explain. Further, prospect theory has been used to explain phenomena that existing decision theories have great difficulty in explaining. These include backward bending labor supply curves, asymmetric price elasticities, tax evasion and co-movement of stock prices and consumption.

前景理论能够解释已有的两个主要决策理论,即期望效用理论expected utility theory等级依赖效用理论rank dependent utility theory。此外,前景理论也能被用来解释现有决策理论难以解释的现象。这些现象包括后弯的劳动力供给曲线backward bending labor supply curves不对称的价格弹性price elasticities逃税tax evasion以及股票价格和消费的共同波动co-movement


In 1992, in the Journal of Risk and Uncertainty, Kahneman and Tversky gave a revised account of prospect theory that they called cumulative prospect theory.[28] The new theory eliminated the editing phase in prospect theory and focused just on the evaluation phase. Its main feature was that it allowed for non-linear probability weighting in a cumulative manner, which was originally suggested in John Quiggin's rank-dependent utility theory.

In 1992, in the Journal of Risk and Uncertainty, Kahneman and Tversky gave a revised account of prospect theory that they called cumulative prospect theory. The new theory eliminated the editing phase in prospect theory and focused just on the evaluation phase. Its main feature was that it allowed for non-linear probability weighting in a cumulative manner, which was originally suggested in John Quiggin's rank-dependent utility theory.

1992年,在《风险与不确定性Risk and Uncertainty》期刊上,Kahneman和Tversky对前景理论进行了修正,并将修正结果称之为累积前景理论cumulative prospect theory[28]。新理论消除了前景理论中的编辑阶段,只注重评估阶段。它的主要特点是允许以累积的方式对概率进行非线性的加权,而这个想法最初出现于约翰 · 奎金John Quiggin的等级依赖效用理论中。


Psychological traits such as overconfidence, projection bias, and the effects of limited attention are now part of the theory. Other developments include a conference at the University of Chicago,模板:Sfn a special behavioral economics edition of the Quarterly Journal of Economics ("In Memory of Amos Tversky"), and Kahneman's 2002 Nobel Prize for having "integrated insights from psychological research into economic science, especially concerning human judgment and decision-making under uncertainty."[29]

Psychological traits such as overconfidence, projection bias, and the effects of limited attention are now part of the theory. Other developments include a conference at the University of Chicago, a special behavioral economics edition of the Quarterly Journal of Economics ("In Memory of Amos Tversky"), and Kahneman's 2002 Nobel Prize for having "integrated insights from psychological research into economic science, especially concerning human judgment and decision-making under uncertainty."

一些心理特征,如过度自信overconfidence投射偏差projection bias和有限的注意力等现已经成为这个理论的一部分。其他进展包括:在芝加哥大学举行的一次会议,《经济学季刊Quarterly Journal of Economics》上的一期行为经济学特刊《纪念阿莫斯 · 特沃斯基 In Memory of Amos Tversky》,以及Kahneman“将心理学研究的见解整合到经济科学中,特别是在不确定条件下的人类判断和决策尤为重要”而获得的2002年诺贝尔奖[29]

Intertemporal choice 跨期选择

David Laibson, professor of economics at Harvard University

[哈佛大学经济学教授大卫 · 莱布森David Laibson]

Behavioral economics has been applied to intertemporal choice, which is defined as making a decision and having the effects of such decision happening in a different time. Intertemporal choice behavior is largely inconsistent, as exemplified by George Ainslie's hyperbolic discounting—one of the prominently studied observations—and further developed by David Laibson, Ted O'Donoghue and Matthew Rabin. Hyperbolic discounting describes the tendency to discount outcomes in the near future more than outcomes in the far future. This pattern of discounting is dynamically inconsistent (or time-inconsistent), and therefore inconsistent with basic models of rational choice, since the rate of discount between time t and t+1 will be low at time t-1 when t is the near future, but high at time t when t is the present and time t+1 is the near future.

Behavioral economics has been applied to intertemporal choice, which is defined as making a decision and having the effects of such decision happening in a different time. Intertemporal choice behavior is largely inconsistent, as exemplified by George Ainslie's hyperbolic discounting—one of the prominently studied observations—and further developed by David Laibson, Ted O'Donoghue and Matthew Rabin. Hyperbolic discounting describes the tendency to discount outcomes in the near future more than outcomes in the far future. This pattern of discounting is dynamically inconsistent (or time-inconsistent), and therefore inconsistent with basic models of rational choice, since the rate of discount between time t and t+1 will be low at time t-1 when t is the near future, but high at time t when t is the present and time t+1 is the near future.

行为经济学已经被应用到跨期选择中。跨期选择是指在某个时间点做出决策,在另一个时间点获得该决策所产生的效果。跨期选择行为在很大程度上是不一致的,乔治 · 安斯利George Ainslie的双曲折扣hyperbolic discounting就是一个很好的例子——大卫 · 莱布森David Laibson、泰德 · 奥多诺霍Ted O'Donoghue和马修 · 拉宾Matthew Rabin则进一步发展了这个想法。双曲折扣描述了一种倾向,即与遥远的未来相比,人们更倾向于对在较近的未来会产生的结果打折扣。这种折扣模式在动态上是不一致的(或者说是在时间上不一致的),因此它与理性选择的基本模型不一致——因为时间 t 和 t + 1之间的折扣率比在时间 t-1 和t 时低(当t是较近的未来时),但是也会更高(在时间 t 为现在, 而 t + 1 为较近的未来时)。


This pattern can also be explained through models of sub-additive discounting that distinguish the delay and interval of discounting: people are less patient (per-time-unit) over shorter intervals regardless of when they occur.

This pattern can also be explained through models of sub-additive discounting that distinguish the delay and interval of discounting: people are less patient (per-time-unit) over shorter intervals regardless of when they occur.

这种模式也可以通过次加法sub-additive折扣模型来解释,这种模型区分了折扣的延迟和折扣的时间间隔:无论折扣何时发生,人们在较短的折扣时间间隔内都缺乏耐心。


Other areas of research 研究的其他领域

Other branches of behavioral economics enrich the model of the utility function without implying inconsistency in preferences. Ernst Fehr, Armin Falk, and Rabin studied fairness, inequity aversion and reciprocal altruism, weakening the neoclassical assumption of perfect selfishness. This work is particularly applicable to wage setting. The work on "intrinsic motivation by Gneezy and Rustichini and "identity" by Akerlof and Kranton assumes that agents derive utility from adopting personal and social norms in addition to conditional expected utility. According to Aggarwal, in addition to behavioral deviations from rational equilibrium, markets are also likely to suffer from lagged responses, search costs, externalities of the commons, and other frictions making it difficult to disentangle behavioral effects in market behavior.[30]


Other branches of behavioral economics enrich the model of the utility function without implying inconsistency in preferences. Ernst Fehr, Armin Falk, and Rabin studied fairness, inequity aversion and reciprocal altruism, weakening the neoclassical assumption of perfect selfishness. This work is particularly applicable to wage setting. The work on "intrinsic motivation by Gneezy and Rustichini and "identity" by Akerlof and Kranton assumes that agents derive utility from adopting personal and social norms in addition to conditional expected utility. According to Aggarwal, in addition to behavioral deviations from rational equilibrium, markets are also likely to suffer from lagged responses, search costs, externalities of the commons, and other frictions making it difficult to disentangle behavioral effects in market behavior.

行为经济学的其他分支丰富了效用函数模型,但并不蕴含偏好的不一致性。恩斯特·费尔 Ernst Fehr、阿明·福柯 Armin Falk和 拉宾 Rabin 研究了公平、'不公平厌恶inequity aversion互惠利他reciprocal altruism,削弱了新古典主义中完美自私perfect selfishness的假设。这项工作特别适用于工资确定这一问题。Gneezy 、 Rustichini 关于“内在动机intrinsic motivation”和 Akerlof 、 Kranton 关于“认同identity”的工作都假定,主体除了从条件期望效用conditional expected utility中获得效用以外,也会从个人和社会规范中获得效用。根据埃格瓦尔 Aggarwal的观点,除了行为偏离合理均衡rational equilibrium,市场还可能受到响应滞后 lagged responses搜索成本search costs极端情况externalities of the commons以及其他冲突frictions的影响,这使研究者难以从市场行为中区分(个人的)'行为效应behavioral effect[31]


"Conditional expected utility" is a form of reasoning where the individual has an illusion of control, and calculates the probabilities of external events and hence their utility as a function of their own action, even when they have no causal ability to affect those external events.[32][33]


"Conditional expected utility" is a form of reasoning where the individual has an illusion of control, and calculates the probabilities of external events and hence their utility as a function of their own action, even when they have no causal ability to affect those external events.


“条件期望效用”是一种个人自认为拥有掌控权 illusion of control 的错觉,并根据他们自己的行为去计算外部事件发生的概率,进而自己得出效用结果,即使他们没有能力影响外部事件[34][35]


Behavioral economics caught on among the general public with the success of books such as Dan Ariely's Predictably Irrational. Practitioners of the discipline have studied quasi-public policy topics such as broadband mapping.[36][37]

Behavioral economics caught on among the general public with the success of books such as Dan Ariely's Predictably Irrational. Practitioners of the discipline have studied quasi-public policy topics such as broadband mapping.

行为经济学随着丹·埃利里Dan Ariely的《怪诞行为学Predictably Irrational》等书籍的成功而在普通大众中流行起来。该学科的从业者研究了宽带制图broadband mapping准公共政策专题quasi-public policy topics[36][37]


Applications for behavioral economics include the modeling of the consumer decision-making process for applications in artificial intelligence and machine learning. The Silicon Valley-based start-up Singularities is using the AGM postulates proposed by Alchourrón, Gärdenfors, and Makinson—the formalization of the concepts of beliefs and change for rational entities—in a symbolic logic to create a "machine learning and deduction engine that uses the latest data science and big data algorithms in order to generate the content and conditional rules (counterfactuals) that capture customer's behaviors and beliefs."[38]

Applications for behavioral economics include the modeling of the consumer decision-making process for applications in artificial intelligence and machine learning. The Silicon Valley-based start-up Singularities is using the AGM postulates proposed by Alchourrón, Gärdenfors, and Makinson—the formalization of the concepts of beliefs and change for rational entities—in a symbolic logic to create a "machine learning and deduction engine that uses the latest data science and big data algorithms in order to generate the content and conditional rules (counterfactuals) that capture customer's behaviors and beliefs."


行为经济学的应用包括,在人工智能和机器学习中对消费者决策过程建模。硅谷公司奇点Singularities在使用阿尔肖伦 Alchourrón、加登弗斯Gärdenfors和梅金森 Makinson 提出的AGM假设,即信念概念的形式化和理性实体的改变,在符号逻辑中创建一个“使用最新的数据科学和大数据算法的机器学习和演绎引擎,以生成捕捉客户的行为和想法的内容和条件规则(即一些反事实推理counterfactuals ) 。” [39]



Applications of behavioral economics also exist in other disciplines, for example in the area of supply chain management.[40]

Applications of behavioral economics also exist in other disciplines, for example in the area of supply chain management.

行为经济学的应用也存在于其他学科,例如供应链管理supply chain management[41]


Natural experiments 自然实验

From a biological point of view, human behaviors are essentially the same during crises accompanied by stock market crashes and during bubble growth when share prices exceed historic highs. During those periods, most market participants see something new for themselves, and this inevitably induces a stress response in them with accompanying changes in their endocrine profiles and motivations. The result is quantitative and qualitative changes in behavior. This is one example where behavior affecting economics and finance can be observed and variably-contrasted using behavioral economics.


From a biological point of view, human behaviors are essentially the same during crises accompanied by stock market crashes and during bubble growth when share prices exceed historic highs. During those periods, most market participants see something new for themselves, and this inevitably induces a stress response in them with accompanying changes in their endocrine profiles and motivations. The result is quantitative and qualitative changes in behavior. This is one example where behavior affecting economics and finance can be observed and variably-contrasted using behavioral economics.

从生物学的角度来看,不管是股市崩溃的危机期还是股价超过历史高点的泡沫增长期,人类行为的本质是一致的。在这些时期,大多数市场参与者看到了对自己有用的新东西,这不可避免地引发了压力反应,内分泌系统和心理动机也随之发生变化。而最终结果就是人的行为发生定量和定性的变化。这是一个典型的运用行为经济学来观察、对比人类行为是如何影响经济和金融的例子。


Behavioral economics' usefulness applies beyond environments similar to stock exchanges. Selfish-reasoning, 'adult behaviors', and similar, can be identified within criminal-concealment(s), and legal-deficiencies and neglect of different types can be observed and discovered. Awareness of indirect consequence (or lack of), at least in potential with different experimental models and methods, can be used as well—behavioral economics' potential uses are broad, but its reliability needs scrutiny. Underestimation of the role of novelty as a stressor is the primary shortcoming of current approaches for market research. It is necessary to account for the biologically determined diphasisms of human behavior in everyday low-stress conditions and in response to stressors.[42] Limitations of experimental methods (e.g. randomized control trials) and their use in economics were famously analyzed by Angus Deaton.[43]

Behavioral economics' usefulness applies beyond environments similar to stock exchanges. Selfish-reasoning, 'adult behaviors', and similar, can be identified within criminal-concealment(s), and legal-deficiencies and neglect of different types can be observed and discovered. Awareness of indirect consequence (or lack of), at least in potential with different experimental models and methods, can be used as well—behavioral economics' potential uses are broad, but its reliability needs scrutiny. Underestimation of the role of novelty as a stressor is the primary shortcoming of current approaches for market research. It is necessary to account for the biologically determined diphasisms of human behavior in everyday low-stress conditions and in response to stressors.

行为经济学不仅在类似证券交易所的环境中会发挥作用。我们可以在犯罪隐瞒行为criminal-concealment中发现自私推理Selfish-reasoning、“成人行为adult behaviors”以及不同类型的法律缺陷和疏忽。需要明确的是不同实验模型和方法具有利用间接后果的认识(或缺乏)的的能力——至少是潜力。行为经济学的潜在用途是广泛的,但需要审查其可靠性。低估新异novelty作为一种压力源的作用是目前市场研究方法的主要缺点。研究方法有必要解释在日常低应激条件下和应对应激源的时候,人类行为中具有的由生物学所决定的双相性diphasisms[42] Limitations of experimental methods (e.g. randomized control trials) and their use in economics were famously analyzed by Angus Deaton.[44]



Criticism 批评

 --嘉树讨论) 批评的前两段语句不太通顺,最新英文维基百科的原文和翻译附在这两段之下
 

Critics of behavioral economics typically stress the rationality of economic agents.[45] A fundamental critique is provided by Maialeh (2019) who argues that no behavioral research can establish an economic theory. Examples provided on this account include pillars of behavioral economics such as satisficing behavior or prospect theory, which are confronted from the neoclassical perspective of utility maximization and expected utility theory respectively. The author shows that behavioral findings are hardly generalizable and that they do not disprove typical mainstream axioms related to rational behavior.[46]

Critics of behavioral economics typically stress the rationality of economic agents. A fundamental critique is provided by Maialeh (2019) who argues that no behavioral research can establish an economic theory. Examples provided on this account include pillars of behavioral economics such as satisficing behavior or prospect theory, which are confronted from the neoclassical perspective of utility maximization and expected utility theory respectively. The author shows that behavioral findings are hardly generalizable and that they do not disprove typical mainstream axioms related to rational behavior.

行为经济学的批评通常强调经济行为主体的理性rationality[47]。玛亚莱Maaialeh (2019)提供了一个基本的批评,他认为没有行为研究可以建立一个经济学理论。这些例子包括,行为经济学的支柱:从新古典主义的反面分别挑战效用最大化utility maximization期望效用理论expected utility theory满意行为satisficing behavior前景理论prospect theory。作者向读者展示,行为研究结果很难被推广,而且它们不能否定理性行为有关的典型主流公理[48]


Others note that cognitive theories, such as prospect theory, are models of decision-making, not generalized economic behavior, and are only applicable to the sort of once-off decision problems presented to experiment participants or survey respondents.[citation needed] Others argue that decision-making models, such as the endowment effect theory, that have been widely accepted behavioral economists may be erroneously established as a consequence of poor experimental design practices that do not adequately control subject misconceptions.[2][49][50][51]

Others note that cognitive theories, such as prospect theory, are models of decision-making, not generalized economic behavior, and are only applicable to the sort of once-off decision problems presented to experiment participants or survey respondents. Others argue that decision-making models, such as the endowment effect theory, that have been widely accepted behavioral economists may be erroneously established as a consequence of poor experimental design practices that do not adequately control subject misconceptions.

其他人则指出,前景理论等认知理论是决策模型,而不是推广化的经济行为。它们只适用于向实验参与者或调查对象提出的一次性的决策问题。其他人认为决策模型,如已被广泛接受的禀赋效应理论endowment effect theory,行为经济学家,可能被错误地建立为糟糕的实验设计实践的后果,没有充分控制受试者的错误概念[2][52][53][54]


 --嘉树讨论) 以下是最新英文维基原文
 

Critics of behavioral economics typically stress the rationality of economic agents.[32] They contend that experimentally observed behavior has limited application to market situations, as learning opportunities and competition ensure at least a close approximation of rational behavior.

行为经济学的批评者通常强调经济主体的理性。他们认为,实验观察到的行为在市场环境中的应用有限,这是因为学习机会和竞争至少能确保他们接近理性。

Others note that cognitive theories, such as prospect theory, are models of decision-making, not generalized economic behavior, and are only applicable to the sort of once-off decision problems presented to experiment participants or survey respondents.

另一些人指出,认知理论,如前景理论,是决策模型而不是广义的经济行为。它们只适用于向实验参与者或调查对象提出的那种一次性决策问题。

A notable concern is that despite a great deal of rhetoric, no unified behavioral theory has yet been espoused: behavioral economists have proposed no unified theory.

A notable concern is that despite a great deal of rhetoric, no unified behavioral theory has yet been espoused: behavioral economists have proposed no unified theory.

一个值得关注的问题是,尽管有大量的修饰与措辞,但仍然没有一个统率性的行为理论得到支持,也就是说,行为经济学家还没有提出统一的理论。


David Gal has argued that many of these issues stem from behavioral economics being too concerned with understanding how behavior deviates from standard economic models rather than with understanding why people behave the way they do. Understanding why behavior occurs is necessary for the creation of generalizable knowledge, the goal of science. He has referred to behavioral economics as a "triumph of marketing" and particularly cited the example of loss aversion.[55]

David Gal has argued that many of these issues stem from behavioral economics being too concerned with understanding how behavior deviates from standard economic models rather than with understanding why people behave the way they do. Understanding why behavior occurs is necessary for the creation of generalizable knowledge, the goal of science. He has referred to behavioral economics as a "triumph of marketing" and particularly cited the example of loss aversion.

大卫·加尔David Gal认为,这些争论中的许多问题源于行为经济学过分执着于分析行为是如何偏离标准经济模型,而不是理解人们为什么会这样做。理解特定行为发生的原因对于归纳性知识的诞生很必要——这也是科学的目标。他还将行为经济学称为“市场营销的胜利” ,并特别提到了损失厌恶的例子[56]


Traditional economists are skeptical of the experimental and survey-based techniques that behavioral economics uses extensively. Economists typically stress revealed preferences over stated preferences (from surveys) in the determination of economic value. Experiments and surveys are at risk of systemic biases, strategic behavior and lack of incentive compatibility.[citation needed] Some researchers point out that participants of experiments conducted by behavioural economists are not representative enough and drawing broad conclusions on the basis of such experiments is not possible. An acronym WEIRD has been coined in order to describe the studies participants - as those, who come from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic societies.[57]


Traditional economists are skeptical of the experimental and survey-based techniques that behavioral economics uses extensively.Economists typically stress revealed preferences over stated preferences (from surveys) in the determination of economic value. Experiments and surveys are at risk of systemic biases, strategic behavior and lack of incentive compatibility. Some researchers point out that participants of experiments conducted by behavioural economists are not representative enough and drawing broad conclusions on the basis of such experiments is not possible. An acronym WEIRD has been coined in order to describe the studies participants - as those, who come from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic societies.

传统经济学家对行为经济学广泛使用的实验和调查技术持怀疑态度。经济学家通常会强调,在决定经济价值时,与显示性偏好相比,他们更偏向于展示(来自调查的)陈诉偏好。实验和调查具有系统偏差systemic biases策略行为strategic behavior和缺乏激励相容incentive compatibility的风险。一些研究人员指出,行为经济学实验的参与者代表性不够,因此具有广泛适用性的结论不可能在此类实验的基础上得出。为了描述这些研究的参与者——这些有着西方的Western受过教育的Educated工业化的Industrialized富裕的Rich民主的Democratic社会背景的实验参与者,被人们描述为 :WEIRD(各个单词首字母的集合)[58]


Responses 回应

Matthew Rabin模板:Sfn dismisses these criticisms, countering that consistent results typically are obtained in multiple situations and geographies and can produce good theoretical insight. Behavioral economists, however, responded to these criticisms by focusing on field studies rather than lab experiments. Some economists see a fundamental schism between experimental economics and behavioral economics, but prominent behavioral and experimental economists tend to share techniques and approaches in answering common questions. For example, behavioral economists are investigating neuroeconomics, which is entirely experimental and has not been verified in the field.[citation needed]

Matthew Rabin dismisses these criticisms, countering that consistent results typically are obtained in multiple situations and geographies and can produce good theoretical insight. Behavioral economists, however, responded to these criticisms by focusing on field studies rather than lab experiments. Some economists see a fundamental schism between experimental economics and behavioral economics, but prominent behavioral and experimental economists tend to share techniques and approaches in answering common questions. For example, behavioral economists are investigating neuroeconomics, which is entirely experimental and has not been verified in the field.


Matthew Rabin模板:Sfn反驳了这些批评。他认为一致的结果通常是在多种情况和复杂地理环境下获得的,并且可以由此产生很好的理论洞察力。然而,行为经济学家则将对这些批评的回应重点放在田野研究field studies而不是实验室实验上。一些经济学家认为实验经济学 experimental economics和行为经济学之间存在根本的分歧,但一些杰出的行为和实验经济学家倾向于在一些共同问题上作出交叉性的回答。例如,行为经济学家正在研究神经经济学neuroeconomics——它是完全实验性的且尚未在该领域得到验证[citation needed]


The epistemological, ontological, and methodological components of behavioral economics are increasingly debated, in particular by historians of economics and economic methodologists.[59]

The epistemological, ontological, and methodological components of behavioral economics are increasingly debated, in particular by historians of economics and economic methodologists.

行为经济学的认识论epistemological本体论ontological方法论methodological饱受争议,尤其是在经济学史学家和经济方法论学家这里[60]


According to some researchers,[42] when studying the mechanisms that form the basis of decision-making, especially financial decision-making, it is necessary to recognize that most decisions are made under stress[61] because, "Stress is the nonspecific body response to any demands presented to it."[62]

According to some researchers, when studying the mechanisms that form the basis of decision-making, especially financial decision-making, it is necessary to recognize that most decisions are made under stress because, "Stress is the nonspecific body response to any demands presented to it."

一些研究人员表示[42],在研究决策基础的机制(尤其是财务决策)时,有必要认识到大多数决策都是在压力状态下做出的[63],因为“压力是身体在面对任务时的非特异性反应。” [62]

Applied issues 应用问题

Nudge theory “助推”理论

文件:Richard Thaler Chatham.jpg
Richard Thaler, winner of the 2017 Nobel Prize in economics

Richard Thaler, winner of the 2017 Nobel Prize in economics

[理查德 · 泰勒 Richard Thaler,2017年诺贝尔经济学奖得主]

Nudge is a concept in behavioral science, political theory and economics which proposes positive reinforcement and indirect suggestions as ways to influence the behavior and decision making of groups or individuals. Nudging contrasts with other ways to achieve compliance, such as education, legislation or enforcement. The concept has influenced British and American politicians. Several nudge units exist around the world at the national level (UK, Germany, Japan and others) as well as at the international level (OECD, World Bank, UN).

Nudge is a concept in behavioral science, political theory and economics which proposes positive reinforcement and indirect suggestions as ways to influence the behavior and decision making of groups or individuals. Nudging contrasts with other ways to achieve compliance, such as education, legislation or enforcement. The concept has influenced British and American politicians. Several nudge units exist around the world at the national level (UK, Germany, Japan and others) as well as at the international level (OECD, World Bank, UN).

“助推”Nudge是行为科学、政治理论和经济学中的一个概念,该理论提出正强化positive reinforcement间接暗示indirect suggestions可以影响群体或个体行为与决策。“助推”与其他实现依从compliance的方式,比如教育、立法或执法,形成了鲜明对比。这个概念已经影响了英国和美国的政治家。在世界各地,国家层面(英国、德国、日本和其他国家)和国际层面(经济合作与发展组织OECD、世界银行、联合国),都存在一些 “助推”单位nudge units


The first formulation of the term and associated principles was developed in cybernetics by James Wilk before 1995 and described by Brunel University academic D. J. Stewart as "the art of the nudge" (sometimes referred to as micronudges[64]). It also drew on methodological influences from clinical psychotherapy tracing back to Gregory Bateson, including contributions from Milton Erickson, Watzlawick, Weakland and Fisch, and Bill O'Hanlon.[65] In this variant, the nudge is a microtargetted design geared towards a specific group of people, irrespective of the scale of intended intervention.

The first formulation of the term and associated principles was developed in cybernetics by James Wilk before 1995 and described by Brunel University academic D. J. Stewart as "the art of the nudge" (sometimes referred to as micronudges). It also drew on methodological influences from clinical psychotherapy tracing back to Gregory Bateson, including contributions from Milton Erickson, Watzlawick, Weakland and Fisch, and Bill O'Hanlon. In this variant, the nudge is a microtargetted design geared towards a specific group of people, irrespective of the scale of intended intervention.

詹姆斯·沃尔夫 James Wilk 早在1995年以前就在控制论中首次提出了这一术语和相关原则,布鲁内尔大学的学者 斯图尔特 D. J. Stewart 称之为“助推”的艺术the art of the “nudge”(有时称为“微推”micronudges[66])。它还受到了临床心理治疗方法论的影响,这些方法可以追溯到Gregory Bateson,包括米尔顿·埃里克森Milton Erickson,沃兹拉维克Watzlawick,威克兰Weakland,菲施Fisch,和比尔·奥汉隆Bill O'Hanlon的研究[67]。在这个变体中,”助推”是一个针对特定人群的微观目标设计 microtargetted design,而不考虑预期干预的规模。


In 2008, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein's book Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness brought nudge theory to prominence. It also gained a following among US and UK politicians, in the private sector and in public health.[68] The authors refer to influencing behaviour without coercion as libertarian paternalism and the influencers as choice architects.[69] Thaler and Sunstein defined their concept as:

In 2008, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein's book Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness brought nudge theory to prominence. It also gained a following among US and UK politicians, in the private sector and in public health. The authors refer to influencing behaviour without coercion as libertarian paternalism and the influencers as choice architects. Thaler and Sunstein defined their concept as:

2008年,Richard Thaler和Cass Sunstein的书《“助推”:我们如何做出最佳选择Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness》让”助推”理论得到了重视。它还赢得了部分美国和英国的政界人士、私营部门以及公共卫生领域人员的追随[70]。两位作者把非强制的影响施加过程称为软家长作风libertarian paternalism,称影响者为选择建筑师choice architects[69] 。Thaler和Sunstein将他们的理论定义为:


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正如我们将要提到的那样,“助推”是指选项结构choice architecture中的任意一个,即在不禁止任何选择,也不颠覆人们经济动机的条件下以可预测的方式改变人的行为。而只有能被轻易做到的干预才能被算作一次“助推”。“助推”不是命令。把水果放在眼睛所在的高度算是“助推”,禁止垃圾食品就不是。

In this form, drawing on behavioral economics, the nudge is more generally applied to influence behaviour.

In this form, drawing on behavioral economics, the nudge is more generally applied to influence behaviour.

在这种形式下,借鉴行为经济学,“助推”能够更广泛地应用于行为影响。


One of the most frequently cited examples of a nudge is the etching of the image of a housefly into the men's room urinals at Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport, which is intended to "improve the aim."[21]

One of the most frequently cited examples of a nudge is the etching of the image of a housefly into the men's room urinals at Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport, which is intended to "improve the aim."

人们经常引用的一个”助推”例子是,在阿姆斯特丹史基浦机场的男厕所小便池里画了家蝇的图象。这么做的目的是“优化目标improve the aim[21]


Nudging techniques aim to use judgmental heuristics to our advantage. In other words, a nudge alters the environment so that when heuristic, or System 1, decision-making is used, the resulting choice will be the most positive or desired outcome.[71] An example of such a nudge is switching the placement of junk food in a store, so that fruit and other healthy options are located next to the cash register, while junk food is relocated to another part of the store.[72]

Nudging techniques aim to use judgmental heuristics to our advantage. In other words, a nudge alters the environment so that when heuristic, or System 1, decision-making is used, the resulting choice will be the most positive or desired outcome. An example of such a nudge is switching the placement of junk food in a store, so that fruit and other healthy options are located next to the cash register, while junk food is relocated to another part of the store.

“助推”技巧的目的是利用判断启发式给我们提供好处。换句话说,”助推”改变了环境,所以当使用了启发式,也就是系统1来做决策的时候,往往就会出现最积极的或最想要的结果[73]。一个例子就是,改变一些产品在商店里的位置——将健康食物放在收银机旁边,把垃圾食品搬到别部分[74]


In 2008, the United States appointed Sunstein, who helped develop the theory, as administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.[69][75][76]

In 2008, the United States appointed Sunstein, who helped develop the theory, as administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.

2008年,美国任命帮助完善该理论的Sunstein为信息和管理事务办公室Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs的管理员[69][77][78]


Notable applications of nudge theory include the formation of the British Behavioural Insights Team in 2010. It is often called the "Nudge Unit", at the British Cabinet Office, headed by David Halpern.[79]


Notable applications of nudge theory include the formation of the British Behavioural Insights Team in 2010. It is often called the "Nudge Unit", at the British Cabinet Office, headed by David Halpern.

“助推”理论的主要应用包括2010年英国行为洞察小组British Behavioural Insights Team的成立。它从属于戴维·哈珀恩David Halpern领导的英国内阁办公室British Cabinet Office,常被称为““助推”小组Nudge Unit[80]


Both Prime Minister David Cameron and President Barack Obama sought to employ nudge theory to advance domestic policy goals during their terms.[81]

Both Prime Minister David Cameron and President Barack Obama sought to employ nudge theory to advance domestic policy goals during their terms.

英国首相戴维·卡梅伦David Cameron和美国前总统·奥巴马Barack Obama都试图在任期内运用”助推”理论来实现国内政策目标[82]


In Australia, the government of New South Wales established a Behavioural Insights community of practice.[83]

In Australia, the government of New South Wales established a Behavioural Insights community of practice.

在澳大利亚,新南威尔士州政府建立了一个行为洞察实践社区Behavioural Insights community of practice[84]


Nudge theory has also been applied to business management and corporate culture, such as in relation to health, safety and environment (HSE) and human resources. Regarding its application to HSE, one of the primary goals of nudge is to achieve a "zero accident culture."[85]

Nudge theory has also been applied to business management and corporate culture, such as in relation to health, safety and environment (HSE) and human resources. Regarding its application to HSE, one of the primary goals of nudge is to achieve a "zero accident culture."

“助推”理论也被应用于企业管理和企业文化,包括健康、安全、环境(health, safety and environment, HSE)、人力资源等领域。应用”助推”在HSE中的主要目标之一是实现“零事故文化zero accident culture[86]



Leading Silicon Valley companies are forerunners in applying nudge theory in a corporate setting. These companies are using nudges in various forms to increase the productivity and happiness of employees. Recently, further companies are gaining interest in using what is called "nudge management" to improve the productivity of their white-collar workers.[87]

Leading Silicon Valley companies are forerunners in applying nudge theory in a corporate setting. These companies are using nudges in various forms to increase the productivity and happiness of employees. Recently, further companies are gaining interest in using what is called "nudge management" to improve the productivity of their white-collar workers.

硅谷的各个企业巨头是”助推”理论应用方面的先锋。这些公司正在用各种方式的”助推”来提高员工的生产力和幸福感。最近,越来越多的公司开始研究如何利用““助推”管理nudge management”来提高白领工人的生产率[88]


Behavioral insights and nudges are currently used in many countries around the world.[89]

Behavioral insights and nudges are currently used in many countries around the world.

目前世界上许多国家都在运用行为洞察力和“助推”力[90]


Criticisms 批评

Nudging has also been criticised. Tammy Boyce, from public health foundation The King's Fund, has said: "We need to move away from short-term, politically motivated initiatives such as the 'nudging people' idea, which is not based on any good evidence and doesn't help people make long-term behaviour changes."[91]

Nudging has also been criticised. Tammy Boyce, from public health foundation The King's Fund, has said: "We need to move away from short-term, politically motivated initiatives such as the 'nudging people' idea, which is not based on any good evidence and doesn't help people make long-term behaviour changes."

“助推”也受到了批评。来自公共卫生基金会“国王基金会The King's Fund”的塔米·博伊斯 Tammy Boyce说:“我们避免短期的、出于政治动机的行动,比如‘“助推”人们的想法——这种想法没有任何有力的证据支撑,也无助于人们做出长期的改变。[92]



Cass Sunstein has responded to critiques at length in his The Ethics of Influence[93] making the case in favor of nudging against charges that nudges diminish autonomy,[94] threaten dignity, violate liberties, or reduce welfare. Ethicists have debated this rigorously.[95] These charges have been made by various participants in the debate from Bovens[96] to Goodwin.[97] Wilkinson for example charges nudges for being manipulative, while others such as Yeung question their scientific credibility.[98]

Cass Sunstein has responded to critiques at length in his The Ethics of Influence making the case in favor of nudging against charges that nudges diminish autonomy, threaten dignity, violate liberties, or reduce welfare. Ethicists have debated this rigorously. These charges have been made by various participants in the debate from Bovens to Goodwin. Wilkinson for example charges nudges for being manipulative, while others such as Yeung question their scientific credibility.

Sunstein在他的《影响力的道德The Ethics of Influence[99]一书中对批评做出了详尽的回应,表示支持“助推”并反对那些认为“助推”会削弱自主权、威胁尊严、侵犯自由或减少福利的指控。伦理学家们对此展开了激烈的辩论。这些指控是由博芬申Bovens,古德温 Goodwin等辩论参与者提出的。例如,威尔金森 Wilkinson指责”助推”对会操纵个人行为,而杨 Yeung等人则质疑其科学可信度[100]


Some, such as Hausman & Welch[101] have inquired whether nudging should be permissible on grounds of (distributive模板:Clarify) justice; Lepenies & Malecka[102] have questioned whether nudges are compatible with the rule of law. Similarly, legal scholars have discussed the role of nudges and the law.[103][104]

Some, such as Hausman & Welch have inquired whether nudging should be permissible on grounds of (distributive) justice; Lepenies & Malecka have questioned whether nudges are compatible with the rule of law. Similarly, legal scholars have discussed the role of nudges and the law.

豪斯曼 Hausman和韦尔奇 Welch[105]等人曾提出,在分配公平distributive justice模板:Clarify的基础上,“助推”是否应该被允许;勒皮尼 Lepenies和马莱卡 Malecka[106]曾质疑”助推”是否符合法律规范。类似地,法律学者也讨论了“助推”和法律所扮演的角色[107][108]


Behavioral economists such as Bob Sugden have pointed out that the underlying normative benchmark of nudging is still homo economicus, despite the proponents' claim to the contrary.[109]

Behavioral economists such as Bob Sugden have pointed out that the underlying normative benchmark of nudging is still homo economicus, despite the proponents' claim to the contrary.

Bob Sugden等行为经济学家指出,”助推”的基准仍然是经济人homo economicus——尽管该理论的支持者认为恰恰相反。[110]


 --嘉树讨论) 增加“该理论的” 存疑。

--和光同尘讨论) 认同增加“该理论的” 。

It has been remarked that nudging is also a euphemism for psychological manipulation as practiced in social engineering.[111][112]

It has been remarked that nudging is also a euphemism for psychological manipulation as practiced in social engineering.

有人说,”助推”也是社会工程学social engineering里对心理操纵的委婉说法[113][114]


There exists an anticipation and, simultaneously, implicit criticism of the nudge theory in works of Hungarian social psychologists who emphasize the active participation in the nudge of its target (Ferenc Merei[115] and Laszlo Garai[17]).

There exists an anticipation and, simultaneously, implicit criticism of the nudge theory in works of Hungarian social psychologists who emphasize the active participation in the nudge of its target (Ferenc Merei and Laszlo Garai).

在强调积极参与“助推”的匈牙利社会心理学家(弗伦茨·梅雷 Ferenc Merei[116] 和拉斯洛·加莱 Laszlo Garai[17]))的著作中,对“助推”理论的预期和含蓄批评同时存在。

Behavioral finance 行为金融学

文件:Robert J. Shiller 2017.jpg
Robert J. Shiller, winner of the 2013 Nobel Prize in economics

Robert J. Shiller, winner of the 2013 Nobel Prize in economics

罗伯特·希勒Robert J. Shiller,2013年诺贝尔经济学奖获得者


The central issue in behavioral finance is explaining why market participants make irrational systematic errors contrary to assumption of rational market participants.[1] Such errors affect prices and returns, creating market inefficiencies. The study of behavioral finance also investigates how other participants take advantage (arbitrage) of such errors and market inefficiencies.

The central issue in behavioral finance is explaining why market participants make irrational systematic errors contrary to assumption of rational market participants. Such errors affect prices and returns, creating market inefficiencies. The study of behavioral finance also investigates how other participants take advantage (arbitrage) of such errors and market inefficiencies.

行为金融学behavioral finance的核心问题是解释为什么市场参与者会犯与理性市场参与者假设相反的系统性非理性错误[1]。这些错误会影响价格和收益,造成市场失效market inefficiencies。行为金融学也研究其他参与者如何利用这些错误和市场失效为自己牟利,也就是所谓的套利arbitrage



Behavioral finance highlights inefficiencies, such as under- or over-reactions to information, as causes of market trends and, in extreme cases, of bubbles and crashes. Such reactions have been attributed to limited investor attention, overconfidence, overoptimism, mimicry (herding instinct) and noise trading. Technical analysts consider behavioral finance to be behavioral economics' "academic cousin" and the theoretical basis for technical analysis.模板:Sfn

Behavioral finance highlights inefficiencies, such as under- or over-reactions to information, as causes of market trends and, in extreme cases, of bubbles and crashes. Such reactions have been attributed to limited investor attention, overconfidence, overoptimism, mimicry (herding instinct) and noise trading. Technical analysts consider behavioral finance to be behavioral economics' "academic cousin" and the theoretical basis for technical analysis.

行为金融学关注低效率inefficiencies',例如对信息反应迟钝或过激under- or over-reactions to information——它们引导着市场趋势,触发极端情况下的泡沫和崩溃。这被归因于投资者注意有限limited investor attention过度自信overconfidence过于乐观overoptimism模仿mimicry集群本能herding instinct)和噪音交易noise trading。技术分析家认为行为金融学是行为经济学的“学术表亲academic cousin” ,是技术分析的理论基础模板:Sfn


Other key observations include the asymmetry between decisions to acquire or keep resources, known as the "bird in the bush" paradox, and loss aversion, the unwillingness to let go of a valued possession. Loss aversion appears to manifest itself in investor behavior as a reluctance to sell shares or other equity if doing so would result in a nominal loss.[citation needed] It may also help explain why housing prices rarely/slowly decline to market clearing levels during periods of low demand.


Other key observations include the asymmetry between decisions to acquire or keep resources, known as the "bird in the bush" paradox, and loss aversion, the unwillingness to let go of a valued possession. Loss aversion appears to manifest itself in investor behavior as a reluctance to sell shares or other equity if doing so would result in a nominal loss. It may also help explain why housing prices rarely/slowly decline to market clearing levels during periods of low demand.

其他关键的观察还包括获取和保留资源之间的不对称决策,即所谓的“林中之鸟 bird in the bush(没把握的事)”悖论,以及损失厌恶——即不愿意放弃有价值的财产。损失厌恶可以表现为投资者在可能产生少量损失的条件下不愿出售股票或其他股权[citation needed]。这可能也有助于解释为什么在需求低迷时期,会出现房价很少或者以极慢的速度下降到市场清算水平的现象。


Benartzi and Thaler, applying a version of prospect theory, claim to have solved the equity premium puzzle, something conventional finance models so far have been unable to do.模板:Sfn Experimental finance applies the experimental method, e.g., creating an artificial market through some kind of simulation software to study people's decision-making process and behavior in financial markets.

Benartzi and Thaler, applying a version of prospect theory, claim to have solved the equity premium puzzle, something conventional finance models so far have been unable to do. Experimental finance applies the experimental method, e.g., creating an artificial market through some kind of simulation software to study people's decision-making process and behavior in financial markets.

通过使用前景理论的一个版本,贝纳奇 Benartzi 和泰勒 Thaler声称已经解决了股权溢价之谜equity premium puzzle——一个传统金融模型迄今无法解决的问题。实验金融学在研究过程中会运用实验的方法,例如通过某种模拟软件人为创造一个市场来研究人们在金融市场中的决策过程和行为。


Quantitative behavioral finance 量化行为金融学

Quantitative behavioral finance uses mathematical and statistical methodology to understand behavioral biases. In marketing research, a study shows little evidence that escalating biases impact marketing decisions.[117] Leading contributors include Gunduz Caginalp (Editor of the Journal of Behavioral Finance from 2001–04), and collaborators include 2002 Nobel Laureate Vernon Smith, David Porter, Don Balenovich,[118] Vladimira Ilieva and Ahmet Duran,[119] and Ray Sturm.[120]

Quantitative behavioral finance uses mathematical and statistical methodology to understand behavioral biases. In marketing research, a study shows little evidence that escalating biases impact marketing decisions. Leading contributors include Gunduz Caginalp (Editor of the Journal of Behavioral Finance from 2001–04), and collaborators include 2002 Nobel Laureate Vernon Smith, David Porter, Don Balenovich, Vladimira Ilieva and Ahmet Duran, and Ray Sturm.

量化行为金融学Quantitative behavioral finance使用数学和统计方法来研究行为偏差。在市场研究中,一项调查显示没有证据表明逐步升级的偏见会影响市场决策[121]。主要贡献者包括冈兹·卡基纳尔普 Gunduz Caginalp (2001-2004年《行为金融学期刊Journal of Behavioral Finance》的编辑) ,合作者包括2002年诺贝尔奖获得者弗农·史密斯 Vernon Smith,戴维·波特 David Porter,唐·巴列诺维奇 Don Balenovich[118],弗拉基米尔·黎利耶夫 Vladimira Ilieva ,艾哈迈德·杜兰 Ahmet Duran[119]以及雷·斯特姆 Ray Sturm[120]


Financial models 金融模型

Some financial models used in money management and asset valuation incorporate behavioral finance parameters. Examples:

Some financial models used in money management and asset valuation incorporate behavioral finance parameters. Examples:

一些用于货币管理和资产评估的金融模型与行为金融学参数相结合。例如:

  • Thaler's model of price reactions to information, with three phases (underreaction, adjustment, and overreaction), creating a price trend.
  • Thaler制造过一个通过信息回馈来创造价格(市场趋势market trend的价格反应模型model of price reactions to information。该模型具有三个阶段(反应不足underreaction调整adjustment,和反应过度overreaction)。
One characteristic of overreaction is that average returns following announcements of good news is lower than following bad news. In other words, overreaction occurs if the market reacts too strongly or for too long to news, thus requiring an adjustment in the opposite direction. As a result, outperforming assets in one period is likely to underperform in the following period. This also applies to customers' irrational purchasing habits.[122]

One characteristic of overreaction is that average returns following announcements of good news is lower than following bad news. In other words, overreaction occurs if the market reacts too strongly or for too long to news, thus requiring an adjustment in the opposite direction. As a result, outperforming assets in one period is likely to underperform in the following period. This also applies to customers' irrational purchasing habits.

反应过度的一个特点是,宣布好消息后获得的平均收益低于宣布坏消息后获得的。换句话说,如果市场对新闻反应过强或过长就会出现反应过度现象,所以需要向反方向作出调整。因此,在一个时期超常表现的资产在下一个时期可能表现不佳。这也适用于解读消费者不理性的购买习惯[123]

  • 股票估价stock valuation股票图像stock image系数

Criticisms 批评

Critics such as Eugene Fama typically support the efficient-market hypothesis. They contend that behavioral finance is more a collection of anomalies than a true branch of finance and that these anomalies are either quickly priced out of the market or explained by appealing to market microstructure arguments. However, individual cognitive biases are distinct from social biases; the former can be averaged out by the market, while the other can create positive feedback loops that drive the market further and further from a "fair price" equilibrium. Similarly, for an anomaly to violate market efficiency, an investor must be able to trade against it and earn abnormal profits; this is not the case for many anomalies.[124]

Critics such as Eugene Fama typically support the efficient-market hypothesis. They contend that behavioral finance is more a collection of anomalies than a true branch of finance and that these anomalies are either quickly priced out of the market or explained by appealing to market microstructure arguments. However, individual cognitive biases are distinct from social biases; the former can be averaged out by the market, while the other can create positive feedback loops that drive the market further and further from a "fair price" equilibrium. Similarly, for an anomaly to violate market efficiency, an investor must be able to trade against it and earn abnormal profits; this is not the case for many anomalies.

像尤金·珐玛 Eugene Fama 一样,许多批评家通常支持市场有效性假说efficient-market hypothesis。他们认为,与其说是一个真正的金融学分支,行为金融学更像是一个异常现象的集合——这些异常现象要么很快被排挤出市场,要么可以通过市场微观结构market microstructure理论来解释。然而,个人认知偏差individual cognitive biases不同于社会偏差social biases;前者可以被市场平均化,而后者可以创造正反馈循环从而使市场越来越偏离”公平价格fair price”这一均衡状态。同样,对于违反市场有效性的异常现象,投资者必须有能力进行反向交易并获得异常利润。但事实上许多人难以做到[125]


A specific example of this criticism appears in some explanations of the equity premium puzzle. It is argued that the cause is entry barriers (both practical and psychological) and that returns between stocks and bonds should equalize as electronic resources open up the stock market to more traders.[126] In response, others contend that most personal investment funds are managed through superannuation funds, minimizing the effect of these putative entry barriers.[citation needed] In addition, professional investors and fund managers seem to hold more bonds than one would expect given return differentials.[citation needed]


A specific example of this criticism appears in some explanations of the equity premium puzzle. It is argued that the cause is entry barriers (both practical and psychological) and that returns between stocks and bonds should equalize as electronic resources open up the stock market to more traders. In response, others contend that most personal investment funds are managed through superannuation funds, minimizing the effect of these putative entry barriers. In addition, professional investors and fund managers seem to hold more bonds than one would expect given return differentials.

该批评的一个具体例子出现在对股票溢价之谜equity premium puzzle的一些解释中。有人认为,股票溢价之谜的原因是壁垒entry barriers(既是实际上的也是心理上的),并声称随着电子资源使股票市场向更多的交易者开放,股票和债券之间的回报应该相等[127]。作为回应,其他人认为,大多数个人投资基金是通过养老基金管理的,这最小化了这些假定壁垒的影响[citation needed]。此外,考虑到回报率差异return differentials,专业投资者和基金经理持有的债券似乎超出了人们的预期[citation needed]


Behavioral game theory 行为博弈论

Behavioral game theory, invented by Colin Camerer, analyzes interactive strategic decisions and behavior using the methods of game theory,[128] experimental economics, and experimental psychology. Experiments include testing deviations from typical simplifications of economic theory such as the independence axiom[129] and neglect of altruism,[130] fairness, [131]

Behavioral game theory, invented by Colin Camerer, analyzes interactive strategic decisions and behavior using the methods of game theory, experimental economics, and experimental psychology. Experiments include testing deviations from typical simplifications of economic theory such as the independence axiom and neglect of altruism, fairness,

行为博弈论Behavioral game theory由科林·卡梅勒 Colin Camerer发明,运用博弈论[132]、实验经济学和实验心理学的方法分析交互式战略决策interactive strategic decisions和行为。实验包括检验典型的经济理论简化的偏差,如独立公理independence axiom[133]和忽视利他主义altruism[134]公平公正fairness[135]


|url=http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_S000466&edition=current&q=fairness%20game%20&topicid=&result_number=1 }} </ref> and framing effects.[136] On the positive side, the method has been applied to interactive learning[137] and social preferences.[138][139][140] As a research program, the subject is a development of the last three decades.[141][142][143][144][145][146][147]

|url=http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_S000466&edition=current&q=fairness%20game%20&topicid=&result_number=1 }} </ref> and framing effects. On the positive side, the method has been applied to interactive learning and social preferences. As a research program, the subject is a development of the last three decades.

框架效应framing effects[148]。积极的一面是,这种方法已经应用于交互式学习interactive learning[149]社会偏好social preferences的研究[150][151][152]。这是一门在近三十年的时间里发展起来的研究课题[153][154][155][156][157][158][159]|url=http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_S000466&edition=current&q=fairness%20game%20&topicid=&result_number=1 }} in </ref> 。


Economic reasoning in animals 动物的经济推理

A handful of comparative psychologists have attempted to demonstrate quasi-economic reasoning in non-human animals. Early attempts along these lines focus on the behavior of rats and pigeons. These studies draw on the tenets of comparative psychology, where the main goal is to discover analogs to human behavior in experimentally-tractable non-human animals. They are also methodologically similar to the work of Ferster and Skinner.[160] Methodological similarities aside, early researchers in non-human economics deviate from behaviorism in their terminology. Although such studies are set up primarily in an operant conditioning chamber using food rewards for pecking/bar-pressing behavior, the researchers describe pecking and bar-pressing not in terms of reinforcement and stimulus-response relationships but instead in terms of work, demand, budget, and labor. Recent studies have adopted a slightly different approach, taking a more evolutionary perspective, comparing economic behavior of humans to a species of non-human primate, the capuchin monkey.[161]

A handful of comparative psychologists have attempted to demonstrate quasi-economic reasoning in non-human animals. Early attempts along these lines focus on the behavior of rats and pigeons. These studies draw on the tenets of comparative psychology, where the main goal is to discover analogs to human behavior in experimentally-tractable non-human animals. They are also methodologically similar to the work of Ferster and Skinner. Methodological similarities aside, early researchers in non-human economics deviate from behaviorism in their terminology. Although such studies are set up primarily in an operant conditioning chamber using food rewards for pecking/bar-pressing behavior, the researchers describe pecking and bar-pressing not in terms of reinforcement and stimulus-response relationships but instead in terms of work, demand, budget, and labor. Recent studies have adopted a slightly different approach, taking a more evolutionary perspective, comparing economic behavior of humans to a species of non-human primate, the capuchin monkey.

一些比较心理学家试图证明除了人,其他的动物也能够进行准经济推理quasi-economic reasoning。早期尝试集中在大鼠和鸽子的行为研究上。这些研究运用了比较心理学的原则,其主要目标是在非人类动物实验体身上发现类人行为。它在研究方法上也与费斯特 Ferster和斯金纳 Skinner的工作相似[160]。撇开这些不谈,非人类经济学non-human economics的早期研究者所使用的术语偏离了行为主义behaviorism的准则。尽管这些研究主要通过设置操作条件箱operant conditioning chamber——用食物奖励啄食或按棒的行为——来获得,但研究人员并未从强化reinforcement刺激-反应stimulus-response关系的角度来描述这些行为,而是从工作work需求demand预算budget劳动力labor的角度进行阐释。最近的研究采用了稍微不同的方法,从人类进化的角度,将人类的经济行为与一种灵长类动物卷尾猴capuchin monkey进行了比较[161]


Animal studies 动物研究

Many early studies of non-human economic reasoning were performed on rats and pigeons in an operant conditioning chamber. These studies looked at things like peck rate (in the case of the pigeon) and bar-pressing rate (in the case of the rat) given certain conditions of reward. Early researchers claim, for example, that response pattern (pecking/bar-pressing rate) is an appropriate analogy to human labor supply.[162] Researchers in this field advocate for the appropriateness of using animal economic behavior to understand the elementary components of human economic behavior.[163] In a paper by Battalio, Green, and Kagel,[162] they write,

Many early studies of non-human economic reasoning were performed on rats and pigeons in an operant conditioning chamber. These studies looked at things like peck rate (in the case of the pigeon) and bar-pressing rate (in the case of the rat) given certain conditions of reward. Early researchers claim, for example, that response pattern (pecking/bar-pressing rate) is an appropriate analogy to human labor supply. Researchers in this field advocate for the appropriateness of using animal economic behavior to understand the elementary components of human economic behavior. In a paper by Battalio, Green, and Kagel, they write,

许多关于非人类经济推理的早期研究都是在操作条件箱中的大鼠和鸽子身上进行的。这些研究记录了在一定奖励条件下的(鸽子)啄食率和(大鼠)压棒率。例如,早期的研究人员声称,反应模式(啄食或压棒速率)是劳动力供应human labor supply的一个恰当类比[162]。这个领域的研究人员主张用动物的经济行为来理解基本的人类经济行为[163]。巴塔利奥 Battalio,格林 Green和凯格尔 Kagel[162]在他们的一篇论文中写道:


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限于篇幅,研究者无法详细讨论为什么经济学家应该严肃对待使用非人类研究对象所进行的经济学理论研究(对动物的经济行为的研究)……因为这样的研究提供了一个用于识别、测试和深入理解经济行为一般规律的实验室。这个实验室的运行基于物种之间不同的行为和结构。经济行为原则如果不适用于非人类(当然也有一些变化),那么经济行为将是独一无二的。

 --嘉树讨论) Space considerations 译为篇幅?
 --和光同尘讨论) 赞同

Labor supply 劳动供给

The typical laboratory environment to study labor supply in pigeons is set up as follows. Pigeons are first deprived of food. Since the animals become hungry, food becomes highly desired. The pigeons are then placed in an operant conditioning chamber and through orienting and exploring the environment of the chamber they discover that by pecking a small disk located on one side of the chamber, food is delivered to them. In effect, pecking behavior becomes reinforced, as it is associated with food. Before long, the pigeon pecks at the disk (or stimulus) regularly.

The typical laboratory environment to study labor supply in pigeons is set up as follows. Pigeons are first deprived of food. Since the animals become hungry, food becomes highly desired. The pigeons are then placed in an operant conditioning chamber and through orienting and exploring the environment of the chamber they discover that by pecking a small disk located on one side of the chamber, food is delivered to them. In effect, pecking behavior becomes reinforced, as it is associated with food. Before long, the pigeon pecks at the disk (or stimulus) regularly.

典型的鸽子劳动供给研究的实验环境是这样的:鸽子一开始就被剥夺食物。随着饥饿感的增强,它们变得渴望食物。然后鸽子被放在操作条件箱中,在定向和探索箱子环境的过程中,它们发现通过啄食房间一侧的小圆盘,可以获得被送来的食物。实际上,因为与食物有关,啄食行为得到了强化。不久之后,鸽子会定期啄食圆盘(或刺激物)。



In this circumstance, the pigeon is said to "work" for the food by pecking. The food, then, is thought of as the currency. The value of the currency can be adjusted in several ways, including the amount of food delivered, the rate of food delivery and the type of food delivered (some foods are more desirable than others).

In this circumstance, the pigeon is said to "work" for the food by pecking. The food, then, is thought of as the currency. The value of the currency can be adjusted in several ways, including the amount of food delivered, the rate of food delivery and the type of food delivered (some foods are more desirable than others).

在这种情况下,我们可以说鸽子为食物而“工作”:重复进行啄这一动作。因此,食物被认为是货币currency。货币的价值可以通过几种方式进行调整,包括提供食物的数量、速度和类型(有些食物比其他食物更受欢迎)。


Economic behavior similar to that observed in humans is discovered when the hungry pigeons stop working/work less when the reward is reduced. Researchers argue that this is similar to labor supply behavior in humans. That is, like humans (who, even in need, will only work so much for a given wage), the pigeons demonstrate decreases in pecking (work) when the reward (value) is reduced.[162]

Economic behavior similar to that observed in humans is discovered when the hungry pigeons stop working/work less when the reward is reduced. Researchers argue that this is similar to labor supply behavior in humans. That is, like humans (who, even in need, will only work so much for a given wage), the pigeons demonstrate decreases in pecking (work) when the reward (value) is reduced.

当奖励减少时,饥饿的鸽子停止或减少工作,这和人类的经济行为相似。研究人员认为,这实际上与人类的劳动供给行为相似。也就是说,像人类一样(即使在需要食物的时候,面对既定工资也只会完成固定的工作量),当回报(价值)减少时,鸽子会表现出啄食行为(工作)的减少[162]


Demand需求

In human economics, a typical demand curve has negative slope. This means that as the price of a certain good increase, the amount that consumers are willing and able to purchase decreases. Researchers studying the demand curves of non-human animals, such as rats, also find downward slopes.

In human economics, a typical demand curve has negative slope. This means that as the price of a certain good increase, the amount that consumers are willing and able to purchase decreases. Researchers studying the demand curves of non-human animals, such as rats, also find downward slopes.

在人类经济学中,典型的需求曲线具有 负斜率negative slope 。这意味着,随着某种商品价格的上涨,消费者愿意并且能够购买的数量会减少。研究人员在研究非人类动物(如大鼠)的需求曲线时,也发现了同样的情况。


Researchers have studied demand in rats in a manner distinct from studying labor supply in pigeons. Specifically, in an operant conditioning chamber containing rats as experimental subjects, we require them to press a bar, instead of pecking a small disk, to receive a reward. The reward can be food (reward pellets), water, or a commodity drink such as cherry cola. Unlike in previous pigeon studies, where the work analog was pecking and the monetary analog was a reward, the work analog in this experiment is bar-pressing. Under these circumstances, the researchers claim that changing the number of bar presses required to obtain a commodity item is analogous to changing the price of a commodity item in human economics.[164]

Researchers have studied demand in rats in a manner distinct from studying labor supply in pigeons. Specifically, in an operant conditioning chamber containing rats as experimental subjects, we require them to press a bar, instead of pecking a small disk, to receive a reward. The reward can be food (reward pellets), water, or a commodity drink such as cherry cola. Unlike in previous pigeon studies, where the work analog was pecking and the monetary analog was a reward, the work analog in this experiment is bar-pressing. Under these circumstances, the researchers claim that changing the number of bar presses required to obtain a commodity item is analogous to changing the price of a commodity item in human economics.

研究人员用一种不同于研究鸽子劳动力供应关系的方式来研究大鼠的需求。具体就是,在一个以大鼠为实验对象的操作条件箱中,我们要求它们下压一个小杆而不是啄一个小圆盘以获得奖励。奖励可以是食物(奖励食丸)、水,或者像樱桃可乐这样的饮料。在以前的鸽子研究中,劳动的模拟行为是啄食,金钱的模拟物是奖励。大鼠的实验中工作的模拟行为则是压杆。在这种情况下,研究人员声称,改变能够获得商品的压杆次数标准类似于在人类经济学中改变商品的价格[164]


In effect, results of demand studies in non-human animals show that, as the bar-pressing requirement (cost) increase, the number of times an animal presses the bar equal to or greater than the bar-pressing requirement (payment) decreases.

In effect, results of demand studies in non-human animals show that, as the bar-pressing requirement (cost) increase, the number of times an animal presses the bar equal to or greater than the bar-pressing requirement (payment) decreases.

实际上,对动物需求的研究结果表明,随着压杆要求(成本)的增加,动物压杆等于或大于压杆要求(回报)的次数在减少。


Evolutionary psychology 进化心理学

模板:Further

An evolutionary psychology perspective states that many of the perceived limitations in rational choice can be explained as being rational in the context of maximizing biological fitness in the ancestral environment, but not necessarily in the current one. Thus, when living at subsistence level where a reduction of resources may result in death, it may have been rational to place a greater value on preventing losses than on obtaining gains. It may also explain behavioral differences between groups, such as males being less risk-averse than females since males have more variable reproductive success than females. While unsuccessful risk-seeking may limit reproductive success for both sexes, males may potentially increase their reproductive success from successful risk-seeking much more than females can.[165]

An evolutionary psychology perspective states that many of the perceived limitations in rational choice can be explained as being rational in the context of maximizing biological fitness in the ancestral environment, but not necessarily in the current one. Thus, when living at subsistence level where a reduction of resources may result in death, it may have been rational to place a greater value on preventing losses than on obtaining gains. It may also explain behavioral differences between groups, such as males being less risk-averse than females since males have more variable reproductive success than females. While unsuccessful risk-seeking may limit reproductive success for both sexes, males may potentially increase their reproductive success from successful risk-seeking much more than females can.

进化心理学 evolutionary psychology认为,我们可以这么解释理性选择中的许多局限性——在最大化生物适应性的祖传环境中的理性选择在当前环境中却不一定是。因此,当因资源减少而不得不生活在贫困线上,甚至可能面对死亡时,理性的做法是重视避免损失而不是获得收益。这也可以解释不同群体之间的行为差异,例如男性相对女性会更轻视风险规避,因为男性比女性有更大的繁殖成功率 reproductive success。虽然失败的冒险行为可能会同时限制两性的繁殖成功率,但对男性而言,一旦冒险行为成功,其更有可能提高繁殖成功率[165]


Artificial intelligence 人工智能

Much of the decisions are more and more made either by human beings with the assistance of artificial intelligent machines or wholly made by these machines. Tshilidzi Marwala and Evan Hurwitz in their book,[166] studied the utility of behavioral economics in such situations and concluded that these intelligent machines reduce the impact of bounded rational decision making. In particular, they observed that these intelligent machines reduce the degree of information asymmetry in the market, improve decision making and thus making markets more rational.

Much of the decisions are more and more made either by human beings with the assistance of artificial intelligent machines or wholly made by these machines. Tshilidzi Marwala and Evan Hurwitz in their book, studied the utility of behavioral economics in such situations and concluded that these intelligent machines reduce the impact of bounded rational decision making. In particular, they observed that these intelligent machines reduce the degree of information asymmetry in the market, improve decision making and thus making markets more rational.

越来越多的决策开始由人工智能辅助下的人类做出,或者直接由人工智能做出。齐立兹·马尔瓦拉 Tshilidzi Marwala和埃文·赫维兹 Evan Hurwitz在他们的书中[166]研究了行为经济学在这种情况下的效用,并得出结论,称这些智能机器减少了有限理性决策的影响。特别是,他们观察到这些智能机器降低了市场的信息不对称information asymmetry水平,促进决策改善,从而使市场更加理性。



The use of AI machines in the market in applications such as online trading and decision making has changed major economic theories.[166] Other theories where AI has had impact include in rational choice, rational expectations, game theory, Lewis turning point, portfolio optimization and counterfactual thinking.

The use of AI machines in the market in applications such as online trading and decision making has changed major economic theories. Other theories where AI has had impact include in rational choice, rational expectations, game theory, Lewis turning point, portfolio optimization and counterfactual thinking.

人工智能在市场上的应用(如在线交易和决策)已经改变了主流经济理论[166]。受人工智能影响的理论还包括理性选择rational choice理性预期rational expectations博弈论game theory刘易斯转折点Lewis turning point投资组合优化portfolio optimization反事实思维counterfactual thinking


Related fields 相关领域

Experimental economics 实验经济学

Experimental economics is the application of experimental methods, including statistical, econometric, and computational,[167] to study economic questions. Data collected in experiments are used to estimate effect size, test the validity of economic theories, and illuminate market mechanisms. Economic experiments usually use cash to motivate subjects, in order to mimic real-world incentives. Experiments are used to help understand how and why markets and other exchange systems function as they do. Experimental economics have also expanded to understand institutions and the law (experimental law and economics).[168]

Experimental economics is the application of experimental methods, including statistical, econometric, and computational, to study economic questions. Data collected in experiments are used to estimate effect size, test the validity of economic theories, and illuminate market mechanisms. Economic experiments usually use cash to motivate subjects, in order to mimic real-world incentives. Experiments are used to help understand how and why markets and other exchange systems function as they do. Experimental economics have also expanded to understand institutions and the law (experimental law and economics).

实验经济学通过运用统计学、计量经济学econometric计算经济学computational[169]等实验方法来研究经济问题。实验中收集的数据被用于估计效果量,检验经济理论的有效性,以及阐明市场机制。经济实验通常使用现金来激励受试者,以模拟现实世界的激励。这些实验被用来解读市场和其他交易系统是如何以及为何这样运作的。实验经济学还被扩展到机构组织和法律(实验法律experimental law和经济学)的研究中去[170]


A fundamental aspect of the subject is design of experiments. Experiments may be conducted in the field or in laboratory settings, whether of individual or group behavior.

A fundamental aspect of the subject is design of experiments. Experiments may be conducted in the field or in laboratory settings, whether of individual or group behavior.

这门学科的一个基本方面是实验设计。无论是个人行为还是群体行为,实验既可以在真实生活场景中(田野)进行,也可以在实验室环境中进行。



Variants of the subject outside such formal confines include natural and quasi-natural experiments.[171]

Variants of the subject outside such formal confines include natural and quasi-natural experiments.

除了正式的标准实验,这里还有一些变体,包括自然实验natural experiments准自然实验quasi-natural experiments[172]


Neuroeconomics 神经经济学

Neuroeconomics is an interdisciplinary field that seeks to explain human decision making, the ability to process multiple alternatives and to follow a course of action. It studies how economic behavior can shape our understanding of the brain, and how neuroscientific discoveries can constrain and guide models of economics.[173]

Neuroeconomics is an interdisciplinary field that seeks to explain human decision making, the ability to process multiple alternatives and to follow a course of action. It studies how economic behavior can shape our understanding of the brain, and how neuroscientific discoveries can constrain and guide models of economics.

神经经济学 Neuroeconomics是一个跨学科的领域,旨在探索研究人类决策机制以及人类处理多重选项的能力。该学科遵循一个行动方针。它研究经济行为如何影响我们对大脑的理解,以及神经科学的发现如何约束和指导经济学模型的建构与发展[173]


It combines research methods from neuroscience, experimental and behavioral economics, and cognitive and social psychology.[174] As research into decision-making behavior becomes increasingly computational, it has also incorporated new approaches from theoretical biology, computer science, and mathematics. Neuroeconomics studies decision making by using a combination of tools from these fields so as to avoid the shortcomings that arise from a single-perspective approach. In mainstream economics, expected utility (EU) and the concept of rational agents are still being used. Many economic behaviors are not fully explained by these models, such as heuristics and framing.[175]

It combines research methods from neuroscience, experimental and behavioral economics, and cognitive and social psychology. As research into decision-making behavior becomes increasingly computational, it has also incorporated new approaches from theoretical biology, computer science, and mathematics. Neuroeconomics studies decision making by using a combination of tools from these fields so as to avoid the shortcomings that arise from a single-perspective approach. In mainstream economics, expected utility (EU) and the concept of rational agents are still being used. Many economic behaviors are not fully explained by these models, such as heuristics and framing.

它综合运用了神经科学、实验和行为经济学以及认知和社会心理学的研究方法[174]。随着对决策行为的研究变得越来越与计算机相关,它也吸收了来自理论生物学、计算机科学和数学领域的新方法。神经经济学使用组合工具来研究决策,以避免出现因使用单一方法而产生的弊端。在主流经济学中,期望效用expected utility, EU和理性主体这一概念仍被使用。不过这些模型无法充分解释某些经济行为,比如启发式heuristics框架效应framing[175]


Behavioral economics emerged to account for these anomalies by integrating social, cognitive, and emotional factors in understanding economic decisions. Neuroeconomics adds another layer by using neuroscientific methods in understanding the interplay between economic behavior and neural mechanisms. By using tools from various fields, some scholars claim that neuroeconomics offers a more integrative way of understanding decision making.[173]

Behavioral economics emerged to account for these anomalies by integrating social, cognitive, and emotional factors in understanding economic decisions. Neuroeconomics adds another layer by using neuroscientific methods in understanding the interplay between economic behavior and neural mechanisms. By using tools from various fields, some scholars claim that neuroeconomics offers a more integrative way of understanding decision making.

行为经济学在解读经济决策时,通过综合考虑社会、认知和情感因素来解释这些异常现象。神经经济学通过运用神经科学研究的方法为理解经济行为和神经机制之间的相互作用又增加了新的维度。通过使用来自不同领域的工具,一些学者声称神经经济学提供了一种更加综合的方式来帮助人理解决策机制[173]



Notable people 著名人物

Economics 经济学


Finance 金融学


Psychology 心理学


See also 参见

模板:Wikipedia books

  • Socionomics (一种研究社会情绪和社会行为之间关系的学科,由Robert R. Prechter, Jr.创立。The study of the relationship between social mood and social behavior pioneered by Robert R. Prechter, Jr.)


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References

  • Kirkpatrick, Charles D.; Dahlquist, Julie R. (2007). Technical Analysis: The Complete Resource for Financial Market Technicians. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Financial Times Press. ISBN 978-0-13-153113-0. 
  • Luce, R Duncan (2000). Utility of Gains and Losses: Measurement-theoretical and Experimental Approaches. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Publishers. ISBN 978-0-8058-3460-4. 


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